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Bangladesh-Myanmar cooperation: Investment opportunity, climate change, insurgency & Rohingya crisis

Bahauddin Foizee

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[yt_dropcap type=”square” font=”” size=”14″ color=”#000″ background=”#fff” ] A [/yt_dropcap]s the communities around the globe is globalizing, it would be disadvantageous for any country not to be proactive in seeking greater engagement with other countries, especially when it is a next door neighbour. Understanding this very reality, perhaps, the Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been seeking out greater engagement with its next door neighbour Myanmar.

The history of relations among the people from Bangladesh and Myanmar dates back to centuries, with renewed elements added to the relations every now and then. Although the relations is not quite good at the moment due to various factors (including Rohingya issue), the abovementioned approach for greater engagement with Myanmar on the part of the Bangladeshi side is a pragmatic move and deserves appreciation. The potential areas of cooperation between the two sides are, among others, trade & Investment (amid end of economic isolation for Myanmar), environment, Rohinya issue and insurgency.

Shahidul Haque, Bangladeshi Foreign Secretary, met Myanmar’s State counselor Aung San Suu Kyi last year and conveyed, as Bangladeshi Prime Minister’s envoy, a message that Bangladesh wants to forge friendship, good neighbourliness and close cooperation with neighbouring Myanmar in all areas of common interests. Daw Suu Kyi, famously known as Aung San Suu Kyi, responded with a sincere and warm gesture by expressing her government’s willingness to move forward bilateral relations with Bangladesh. Suu Kyi also emphasized that there should be frequent engagements between the two neighbours. She expressed her firmness sincerely when she said that no issues and incidents should distract the willingness of frequent engagements and increasing cooperation between the two countries. She feels that both neighbours should face all challenges jointly.

Bangladesh benefits by investing in Myanmar

There is a vast scope for the bilateral relationship between Myanmar and Bangladesh. There are a number of areas where the two countries may cooperate and work together; the key area being the improvement of existing trade relations, which is not in good shape at the time-being. Bangladesh will be largely benefitted from the improving trade relation with Myanmar amid end of the latter’s international economic isolation. Since the international community, the West in particular, is depressurising Myanmar through withdrawing the economic sanctions imposed on the country, the intra-trade and inter-trade for Myanmar would increase by many times from the current scenario. With comparatively a sizable population, beautiful tourist-favoured atmosphere, vast natural (including energy) resources and a reasonably positive attention from the West, Myanmar is the appropriate destination for any country to invest heavily and make huge profits thereby. The fact that Bangladesh is the next door neighbour of Myanmar simply makes Myanmar the appropriate-most trade partner for Bangladesh.

Cooperation in tackling climate change

Besides working for strong trade ties, countries like Bangladesh and Myanmar, which are the major victims of climate change with the worst victimization still awaiting, may work together in order to address the issues related to the global environmental deterioration. Besides the major problems of poverty and illiteracy, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s vulnerability to environmental deterioration is very alarming. The overall economic developments of these two countries have been troubled to a considerable extent by the adverse effects of deteriorating global environmental conditions.

With flat and low-lying landscape, the coastal areas of Bangladesh and Myanmar are highly vulnerable to floods and storms. Among the major impacts of the environmental deterioration – particularly of the global warming – the increasing rise in sea-level every year has been the most alarming one so far, with the possibility of submerging 6-8% of ‘flood-prone’ Bangladesh under water by 2030 (a prediction made in 2007 by the UK Department for International Development). Like Bangladesh, Myanmar could also lose a substantial percentage of its total coastal landmass under the sea water. From the fourth assessment report published by the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), it appears that a substantial portion of ‘flood-prone’ coastal areas of Myanmar is predicted to be submerged under water by 2050.

A substantial portion of the total population of Bangladesh and Myanmar live in the coastal areas, where majority of the population are affected, directly or indirectly, by coastal floods or tidal flows, salinity, tropical cyclones, erosion of river-bank etc. With the rise of sea-level “even by a metre”, Bangladesh and Myanmar could lose a substantial percentage of their total landmass under the sea water, turning millions of inhabitants living in the coastal areas of these two countries into climate refugees.

Challenges: Rohingya crisis & insurgency in Myanmar

One of the challenges posed to the relations between the two countries is the lack of cross-border communication of general people from the two sides of Bangladesh and Myanmar. People to people connection between two sovereign countries are the most effective ways to progress together and to keep a peaceful relationship between the concerned countries. This factor is particularly important when the concerned countries are neighbours. There was a smooth and vibrant relation between the people of both Bangladesh and Myanmar in the pre-Mughal era that continued till the British era. However, the post-British era saw degradation in the relationship between the people from both sides and circumstances only got worse when the Rohingya issue took the centre stage in shaping up Bangladeshis’ perceptions towards Myanmar. A large number of people from Bangladesh have some sort of anger against Myanmar because of the same. Solution to this problem would, without doubt, open the door to a smooth communication of people between the two sides.

A positive gesture was shown from Myanmar’s side in working for the solution of Rohingya issue during the aforementioned meeting that took place last year between Suu Kyi and Shahidul Haque. The press release, which was made from Myanmar’s side after the meeting, highlighted Myanmar government’s firm resolve to find solutions to the challenges in the Rakhine State (regarding Rohingya issue) and elaborated various initiatives undertaken by the new government under theleadership, but not presidency, of Suu Kyi. However, to the dismay of the benefit that both countries could earn from close cooperation, the recent and renewed crisis from last October in the Rakhine State has again flared up the angers of people from both sides. While a substantial portion of the Myanmarese population view the Rohingya as migrants from Bangladesh, the Bangladeshi people perceive the persecution on the Rohingyas inside Myanmar as a torture on the fellow Muslims.

In addition to the abovementioned Rohingya crisis, which is a major barrier to the bilateral relations between the two neighbours, the insurgencies in Myanmar is a burning problem. Successive Myanmarese governments have been at decades-long armed conflict, which is the longest running armed conflict in the world, against many domestic insurgent groups (including the Kachin, the Karenni insurgents, the Karen insurgents and the Arakanese insurgents) and all sides have suffered way too much loss to carry on the fighting much longer. That is why Myanmar’s government had repeatedly tried to reach ceasefire agreement with the insurgents and attempted to persistently work for peaceful settlement. Most of the times, the ceasefires that were maintained by all sides had short lived. A ceasefire deal with several insurgent groups has been reached at the last quarter of 2015 under the previous government and this ceasefire has been largely continuing (apart from few exceptions) until now under the current government.

The insurgencies in Myanmar have the potential to become barriers to the trade relation between Bangladesh and Myanmar as – (i) the commercial consignments from Bangladesh to Myanmar (and vice versa) and (ii) the Bangladeshi future business interests in Myanmar – may well be under attack from insurgent groups unless the Myanmar’s government take appropriate initiatives either to hold the existing ceasefire for longer or to neutralize the conflicts.

Observations

Taking a step towards genuine solution regarding the Rohingya issue would likely to normalize and smoothen the communication between the people from both sides. Since Bangladesh and Myanmar governments have good relations, a good relation between the general mass from both sides would help to make the trade relations better, benefiting both the neighbouring economies that are growing at faster rate.

On environmental front, both Bangladesh and Myanmar should make sure that the climate conferences at global stage should not just focus entirely on climate issues, but also should set practically applicable measures and a constructive framework, with the genuine intension to ensure reduction of environmental deterioration.

With the transfer of power from a military government to a semi-civilian one in 2011, Myanmar went on board towards economic liberalization. Although military setup in Myanmar’s Constituent Assembly still remains strong, 2015’s election enabled a (mostly) civilian government to arise into the Myanmar’s decision making structure, strengthening the way towards further economic liberalization. Since international isolating for Myanmar ended, opportunities have emerged for other countries to earn billions from exporting to, and investing in, Myanmar. Therefore, being one of the five neighbours of Myanmar, Bangladesh should try to grab such opportunities, should bolster its relations with Myanmar and take the benefit of Myanmar’s economic liberalization.

Bahauddin Foizee is an international affairs analyst and columnist, and regularly writes on greater Asia-Pacific, Indian Oceanic region and greater Middle East geopolitics. He also - infrequently - writes on environment & climate change and the global refugee crisis. Besides Modern Diplomacy, his articles have appeared at The Diplomat, Global New Light of Myanmar, Asia Times, Eurasia Review, Middle East Monitor, International Policy Digest and a number of other international publications. His columns also appear in the Dhaka-based national newspapers, including Daily Observer, Daily Sun, Daily Star, The Independent, The New Nation, Financial Express, New age and bdnews24com. He previously taught law at Dhaka Centre for Law & Economics and worked at Bangladesh Institute of Legal Development.

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South Asia

Indian extremists are damaging the Peace and Stability of the whole region

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There existed the Citizenship Act, 1955 in India, which was not biased and was applicable to anyone irrespective of its race, caste, religion, etc. That was Secular India. But now the extremists have hijacked the country and engaged to turn India an extremist Hindu state. In this direction, Indian lower and higher legislative bodies passed a controversial amendment is the “Citizenship Act 1955” on the 10th and 11th of December 2019 respectively. The bill is to be signed by the president of India just as a formality before becoming “part of Constitution”.

The amended bill is to make illegal migrants who are Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, who entered India are to be eligible for Indian citizenship. It has clearly deprived Muslims of this right.

As a matter of fact, Muslims constitute 14% of the population officially but growing rapidly. Muslims are spread all over India in various concentrations. In Kashmir, Muslims are 87% actually and the second largest population of Muslims is in Assam, where their population has reached 40% almost.

Historically, all religions were living together in harmony all over India under the Muslims rule for almost 800 years and later on for around one century under British Empire. After the partition of the sub-continent in 1947, mass immigration took place 20 million Muslims from all over India migrated to Pakistan, an almost a similar number of non-Muslims migrated from Pakistan to India. But the process of immigration never stopped throughout the history of India and Pakistan.

Before and after 1947, when East Pakistan turned into Bangladesh, due to civil war and unrest in the country and economic situation prevailing during that era, a lot of Muslims migrated to India. Assam being the close vicinity and language edge, most of Muslims preferred to migrate to Assam state in India, bordering with Bangladesh.

The extremists Hindus are scared of the growth of Muslims in India, especially in Assam. The new legislation may deprive around two million Muslims in Assam alone, from Indian citizenship. Of course, there are few Muslims who migrated to India from Afghanistan and Pakistan too, who may be affected by the new legislation.

There is a huge reaction to this legislation within India and also internationally. In India, there exists a moderate class, intellectuals and unbiased, who are sincere with India and wanted to keep the Secular Status of India unchanged. They are worried that the extremists are driving the country toward an intolerant and extremist society, which ultimately harms the whole of India. There are local human rights organizations and NGOs, several professional and political bodies, and civic society opposing this act of Indian Government. The opposition political parties have indicated to challenge the amendments in the Supreme Court of India. Widespread protests, agitations, and demonstrations are witnessed in all big cities in India, especially in the North-Eastern part of India. A curfew has been imposed in some parts of India to curtail the protests. But widespread unrest has been witnessed all over India. However, Muslims are scared and suppressed. A wide range of arrests of prominent Muslim leaders, detentions, and threats has made Muslims keep silent or under-control. The Muslims community is rather oppressed and weak, may not be able to offer any big resistance.

On International Arena, The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) called for sanctions against Amit Shah and “other principal leadership” over the passage of the Bill biased bill.  Imran Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, criticized the proposed citizenship law for violating “bilateral agreements”. Many international organizations and political figures are expressing deep concerns over the impact of biased legislation. Afraid, it will create more tension in the region and harm the peace and stability of the whole region.

Main Stream International media, like The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Post, Al Jazeera, The Independent, etc., has highlighted the issue.  

In fact, the current rulers of India are crossing all records of Human Rights violations and all norms of any civilized world. They are pushing the whole region into chaos and instability. UN may act to restore its supremacy and implement the UN Charter in its true spirit. All civilized nations should strengthen the UN and the rule of law.

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A Review of the Draft National Education Policy 2019

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There is an urgent and imperative need to rekindle dialogue on the shaken education structure in India among politicians and decision makers. While there is a proliferating realization to the finite financial limits of ‘improving literacy rate’, there is a detrimental lack of alternative discourse on the way forward, a futuristic dialogue on the achievable. It is rightfully said that a life without education is like a boat without a rudder. While the solutions to the problem may seem simple to layman’s eyes, it is as multifaceted and dynamic from a microscopic lens. This paper will attempt to review and critique the education system in India in light of the recent National Education Policy 2019 developed by the ministry of human resource development that seeks to propose transformative changes.

The field of education essentially is viewed through a narrow outlook of having normative or static foundations that can be generalized. This is however far from reality. Education system and structure is highly contextual and subjective to the jurisdiction it is studied in. While it is necessary to take cognizance of the fact that metamorphic changes, if any, are gradual, access to basic quality education for many is a far cry. India demands a comprehensive nationwide policy such as this and more importantly the implementation and enforcement of the same. The paper shall enumerate few highlights of the policy as no specific selection can paint an accurate picture of the well-integrated and comprehensive policy.

One of the fundamental solutions to the policy focuses on a key demography to foster a massive positive multipliers effect on the Indian society. It promises high quality education and childhood care for all children between the age bracket of 3 to 6 years by the year 2025. This encompasses the holistic development of the child including healthcare, nutrition and skill development. The vitality of the early years of brain development have been consciously highlighted in the past few years with growing awareness and study in this field.

It is essential that we tackle the grassroots of the issue being the quality of teachers and their accessibility. Professional teacher education and improvement of the quality of the educators is vital to better education and hence multidisciplinary programs for teachers are proposed to be included in large universities. Weak educators lead to weak professional in all fields. A four-year integrated stage – specific B.Ed. programme has been proposed by the HRD ministry and the Draft Committee alongside a restructure of the technical and medical education in the country. It outlines a proposal for the exit examination for medical professionals to create a robust filtering system to enable qualified and erudite individuals into the medical industry, enabling them to do justice to their respective professions.

Back to the fundamentals, the policy seeks to achieve foundational literacy and numeracy through a spectrum of programs and measures that have been carefully drafted and articulated to promote the same. Correspondingly, the draft policy aims to transform the pedagogical structure of the curriculums in the Indian education system for more effective learning that holistically encompasses cognitive, social and emotional development. The learning model will serve equitable emphasis on all fields and subjects, inherently leveling the balance of importance in academic and vocational cum co-curricular training. The examination structure within the Indian education system has for long been critiqued as counterproductive and toxic. It separates the individual from the real process of learning. With that in light, the policy proposes a complete radical revamp of the exam structures to relive the stress factor, strive for improvement in the learning pursuit and assess real learning.

The political and governmental handhold must undoubtedly begin with a substantial increase in the public investment for the normative expansion and vitalization of public education at all levels. While the policy extensively focuses on amending the tangible flaws of the education system in India, it leaves behind the lived reality and cultural context. I believe that it is far more fundamental to break the stigma that revolves around educating people and address the deterrents to pursuing education. The cultural withdrawal of the reluctance of educating girl children and women in rural spaces is a problem that can’t merely be broken down through financing but through a cultural shift in mindset and an awareness of its criticality. Similar is the case with low income workers such as farmer, plumber and technical workmen that seek to pass on the profession to their heirs under the assumption of retrieving faster interest on their investment of time as opposed to the uncertainty that comes with a hard earned financial investment on poor quality education.

Another cultural adaptation to the policy must be vocational categorical training for specific target groups that diverge from the mainstream education such as training of young mothers or single parents in not just rural but also urban spaces. Finally, the indestructible caste system that is simple inseparable from the education system. The reservation system and its debate has been prolonged for decades and a cause for plentiful havoc uprising in urban spaces as merit seeks to triumph status. This is however often shunned through non-discrimination policies but is far more complex than meets the eye.

The crux of the situation in India is the mismanagement and ill balance between the supply and demand of educational resources in the country. There seems to be a wide gap between the allocation of financial expenditure by the government and the actual tangible change it has created in the recent years. Most importantly, a contextual negligence of tackling issues through the lens of different perspectives, actors and stakeholders. India is not necessarily a resource deficit nation, rather the lack of monitoring and utter negligence of the resource management consequently traps many regions of the country under illiteracy. Future development and economic growth of the nation calls for immediate action and a microscopic outlook of the issue by state actors. To deduce, the policy aims at addressing the diverse plethora of needs of multiple stakeholders in a harmonious manner with the goal of providing quality education to all.

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The Torn Red Carpet: Welcome to Nepal in 2020

Sisir Devkota

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In Google’s search rankings, the official website of project Visit Nepal 2020; comes second. Travel agencies in Nepal have replaced their landing pages at the expense of the overall legitimacy of the most genuine online resource. There is a wealth of videos shot in and about Nepal in Youtube; from ticketing companies to vloggers, visiting Nepal in 2020 might entail different things for various people. However, Mount Everest is not getting pink every passing day; the year 2020 will comfortably succeed the prior geologic timescale. All is not lost if one does not make it to Nepal next year. Hence, why the calling?

Across the world, nation branding for tourism is not a new catch. Egypt, Bolivia, Holland and Guatemala, advertise themselves with their official names. For others, a well thought phrase follows the brand image. Maldives-the sunny side of life, Imagine your-Korea, Belize-is closer than you think are other examples. For the rest, global events, does the work. Visit Nepal 2020 sounds the most ambitious of all; despite of less thoughtful investment over the slogan, it is clumsily competing with the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, across internet search engines. A lack of strategic branding can cost an entire project. Hence, why the ignorance?

As much as the slogan promises for a great experience, things are not quite ready for the incoming tourists. A national plan aimed for the visit year has stalled and stakeholders are looking for a safe landing. As long as the tourists arrive, Nepal will make money in 2020. Even though farsightedness is out of capabilities, stakeholders are not promoting the false promise; instead, Nepal’s promise has been promoted wrongly. Nepal is one of the poorest nations in South Asia and the economy largely depends on salaries from abroad. It does not take much to comprehend the economics, the 2020 project, is a cash cow for a reclining economy. For all the wrong reasons, Nepal is calling for a temporary settlement. One-step at a time, for now, tightening up for the next year only.

Start a business in Nepal 2020. Explore Nepal in 2020. Seek opportunities in Nepal 2020. Beware of money sucking agencies and institutions, when you visit Nepal in 2020. Nepal’s southern neighbour, India, invites entrepreneurs from all over the world; however, Make in India, has not gained steam, like once anticipated. The think-tank behind Visit Nepal 2020 have lost an edge over possible opportunities; scaled business policies are missing from the project structure. Moreover, Visit Nepal 2020 sounds like a welcome for the newcomers, but history suggests that, incoming tourists are largely returnees, thanks to majestic natural richness.

“Visit Nepal 1998-Once is not enough”, was largely successful in terms of arriving numbers; however, after work has been a sorry state of affairs. Unsurprisingly, if Nepal were not enough at once, there would not have been the need for a visit year, two decades later. Therefore, Visit Nepal 2020 is a re-launch, from the supply perspective. For anticipating visitors, this information seeks responsibility. The visit year would only succeed whilst bottom level stakeholders would benefit from spending. In addition, if the economy manages to thrive from the revenue generated in 2020, it would largely be successful. It is another misconception that recycling slogans would lead to the same result. Local suitors in Nepal would be most excited; for them, it is another chance to rekindle with international visitors. Technology and social media will make the difference; at last, Nepal is waiting to stamp its tourism potential.

Visit Nepal in 2020 for lifetime experiences. Visit Nepal later again for unlimited life experiences. Then, repeat.

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