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White Supremacy and Deep State Explained: Making Trump’s America White Again

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“We cannot allow a beachhead of terrorism to form inside America”–First speech by Donald Trump to a joint session of Congress.

[yt_dropcap type=”square” font=”” size=”14″ color=”#000″ background=”#fff” ] T [/yt_dropcap]his is how Steve Bannon, chief Deep State strategist and deconstructionist in chief, aide to President Trump, who sits in the Security Council, described the refugee crisis in Europe in October 2015: “The whole thing in Europe is all about immigration, it’s a global issue today—this kind of global Camp of the Saints…It’s not a migration, it’s really an invasion. It’s been almost a Camp of the Saints-type invasion into Central and then Western and Northern Europe”

What is Bannon referring to by that elusive “Camp of the Saints”? Well, it’s nothing but the title of an obscure 1973 French racist novel by Jean Raspail. Bannon explains the world by it. He has repeatedly used it as a metaphor to describe the largest refugee crisis in human history.

The novel has become a sort of cult favorite of the far right. The reason may well be that it’s an overtly racist rant. It uses race as the main characterization of characters. Basically it describes the takeover of Europe by waves of immigrants that wash ashore like the plague or like a hurricane. The refugee is basically dehumanized and reduced to a force of nature to be escaped and fought. It turns events into a fight of death between races and a clash of civilizations. It has been repeatedly published in the US, always with the support and public acclaim of white supremacists and racists of various stripes, not excluding the KKK.

The novel was translated and published in the US in 1975. It was reviewed in the magazine Kirkus who described it as “a major event like Mein Kampf was a major event.”

Let’s not forget that Bannon is the undisputed puppet master behind the scene at the White House pulling Trump’s strings and advising policies such as the controversial ban on Muslim travelers from seven majority Moslem countries.

Let’s not also forget that he used to be the executive chairman of the right-wing news site Breitbart, the online movement of the white nationalist movement in America, known for its anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant stances.

The cover of this English translation of The Camp of the Saints calls it “a chilling novel about the end of the white world.”

The plot of the book is quite simple and predictable. An armada of almost a million impoverished Indians heads for Europe. A debate follows among leaders of the EU, including a liberal Pope from Latin America (a prophecy of sorts) on whether to let them in or simply kill them all, which many think it is the hard but also the right thing to do. All the non-white people of the earth intently watch the events. If the Indians succeed in their mission to enter Europe they will all rise up and overthrow Western White Society as we know it.

By the time the French government decides to act and repeal the “invasion,” it’s too late. Chinese pour into the White bastion that is Russia, the queen of England is forced to marry her son to a Pakistani woman, the mayor of New York must house an African-American family (another preposterous prophecy given that the current mayor of New York, Mr. Di Biasio, is married to an African-American). The rogue heroes defending white Christian supremacy are killed in the process. The are the martyrs of the cause, so to speak.

One of those heroes and martyrs is Calgues who compares himself to past European heroes and their mythical defenses of European Christendom: Rhodes against the Ottoman Empire, the fall of Constantinople to the Muslims, the naval battle of Lepanto. He considers himself fully human. The others, brown or black, arouse disgust. Many of the others are sexual deviants.

This tragedy, as per Calgues comes about because the West has lost the belief in its own cultural and racial superiority. It doesn’t take long before the reader realizes that the spirit of the Crusades is being revived. The crusade in this case, however, is against the poor and non-whites.

Raspal wrote the book at Cannes while looking at the Mediterranean sea and imagining the hordes of refugees arriving by sea, the Third World overrunning “this blessed country that is France,” as he puts it. As could be expected the book did not get many favorable reviews, but there was a favorable one in the conservative Republican publication National Review which wrote the following: “Raspail brings the reader to the surprising conclusion that killing a million or so starving refugees from India would be a supreme act of individual sanity and cultural health.”

Also there is this gem from Professor Jeffrey Hart who in 1975 wrote that “Raspail is to genocide what D.H. Lawrence is to sex; a great fuss is being made over Raspail’s supposed racism, but the liberal rote anathema on racism is in effect a poisonous assault upon Western self-preference.”

The book was re-published in 1983 thanks to Cordelia Scaife May, heiress to the Mellon fortune; and this time around it became an icon among immigration opponents, among whom John Tanton, the grandfather of anti-immigration movements in the US. He began innocently enough as an environmentalist and population control advocate, but ended up founding the Federation of American Immigration Reform, and the Center for Immigration Studies, and US English, for the advocacy of English as the US official language. Eventually he began advertising the book and championing pro-eugenics programs.

In 1995 the book saw a third publication as concerns with global demographic trends intensified. Tanton wrote then that “Over the years the American public has absorbed a great number of books, articles, poems and films which exalt the immigrant experience, it is easy for the feelings evoked by Ellis Island and the Statue of Liberty to obscure the fact that we are currently receiving too many immigrants (and receiving them too fast) for the health of our environment and of our common culture. Raspail evokes different feelings and that may help to pave the way for policy changes.”

In 2001, the book was republished one more time, again by Tanton, and again gained a cult following among opponents of immigration like the Border-patrolling Minutemen and eventually the online “alt-right” which has referenced the novel multiple times. In one such references, Julia Hahn, now an aide to Bannon in the White House, compared the admonition of Pope Francis to a joint session of Congress to “open your arms to refugees” to that found in Raspal’s novel by the liberal Latin American pontiff pointing out, as Bannon also does frequently enough, that migration is a disguise for invasion, that the refugee crisis did not just happen, it was planned, that something more sinister is going on. The villains in such a conspiracy theory, besides the liberal Latin American pope, are of course the secular liberals who weaken the West.

What is most intriguing about this racist paranoia and rejection of “the other” is that immigrants and refugees are not perceived as human beings in dire straits and needs, but as enemies to be exterminated. It is the resurrection of the Nazi mind-set and its final solution. The solution of the refugee crisis does not lie in compassion and solidarity, but in extermination. The aim is to win the war. As per Bannon and his minions, there is a war going on and it is between the president trying to deconstruct the established status quo, and what goes by the name of Deep State and its agents (intelligence agencies, liberal press, elite political establishment, etc).

This phenomenon can be detected even in a progressive magazine such as this one. Accepting all opinions, they are of course tolerated, but you may have noticed already that there are regular contributors who never fail to inveigh against the Deep State which they consider the traitorous enemy of a our president, never mind how he got there, never mind its derangement. Their arguments appear rational, even reasonable, but in fact are proclaimed like an article of faith. The influence of books such as the one we have examined is quite apparent. They echo the Nazi era of the thirty in Germany when scapegoats were being charged for all the troubles of Germany

“Do you believe the elites in this country have the backbone, have the belief in the underlying principles of the Judeo-Christian West to actually win this war?” Bannon asked Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), now the attorney general, in June 2016. “I’m worried about that. … They’re eroding, regularly it seems to me, classical American values that are so critical to our success,” Sessions replied.

As the saying goes: birds of a feather flock together. Both Bannon and Sessions are now integral part of the White House, and that goes a long way in explaining why a Trump, who reads no book and is only capable of writing 140 characters tweets requiring two minutes span of attention, tends to conflate immigration and warfare and perceives his anti-Muslim executive orders as life-or-death national security issues comparable to a “military operation.”

Considering the above analysis, perhaps we are not going too are afield in asserting that the slogan “Let’s make American Great again” is a code for “Let’s make America White again.” In other words, let’s consider the root and the heritage of America as derived mostly from Northern Europe and all others as inferior and undesirables, un-American.

Trump, Bannon and Sessions have so far managed to fool a substantial amount of people with that popular slogan, but as another president quipped once: “You can fool all of the people some of the times, and you can fool some of the people all of the times, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the times.”

Note: this article has already appeared in Ovi magazine on Tuesday March 7, 2017.

Professor Paparella has earned a Ph.D. in Italian Humanism, with a dissertation on the philosopher of history Giambattista Vico, from Yale University. He is a scholar interested in current relevant philosophical, political and cultural issues; the author of numerous essays and books on the EU cultural identity among which A New Europe in search of its Soul, and Europa: An Idea and a Journey. Presently he teaches philosophy and humanities at Barry University, Miami, Florida. He is a prolific writer and has written hundreds of essays for both traditional academic and on-line magazines among which Metanexus and Ovi. One of his current works in progress is a book dealing with the issue of cultural identity within the phenomenon of “the neo-immigrant” exhibited by an international global economy strong on positivism and utilitarianism and weak on humanism and ideals.

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The hegemony of knowledge and the new world order: U.S. and the rest of the world

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In today’s world, knowledge and technological advantages determine – to a large extent – differences in the management of international policy. The increase in a country’s intellectual power directly defines an increase in its economic power, thus changing its position in the international competition for dominance.

The power policy, first in the agricultural age and later in the industrial age, was characterised by military and then economic hegemony, while the power policy in the information age gradually reveals the characteristics of knowledge hegemony at both the scientific and intelligence levels.

The hegemony of knowledge in contemporary international relations manifests itself specifically as unequal exchange in international trade, exploitation of high-value information and various conditions related to technological production. Hence, we see the transfer of polluting industries from privileged to poor countries: energy-consuming and high-intensity activities.

Western culture and values are disseminated vigorously, through the so-called soft power in information and mass media, and take on obsessive and oppressively hypnopedic forms.

Developed countries have patents in the use of outer space, as well as in the development of deep sea resources and in the production of environmental resources that pollute, while developing countries can only sigh as they look at other’s oceans and satellites, which fly around, do reconnaissance activities and monitor them.

The resources of the great and deep seas – which should be shared by mankind as they belong to everybody like the air, the moon and the sun – are instead exploited by the developed countries. On the contrary, they freely and ‘democratically’ share with the wretched ones only the evil consequences of environmental pollution.

With specific reference to sanctions and armed interference in international relations, the technique of violent and conscious bullying is adopted: whoever is militarily stronger imposes the validity of their interests, also at legal level.

The root cause for generating knowledge hegemony lies in the polarisation of the intellectual status of the nation-State. Western developed countries have already crossed the threshold of an information society, while developing countries are still struggling to climb towards industrial civilisation from the most primitive and closed state of existence. Although developing countries hold most of the world’s natural and human resources (just think of Africa), they are far behind in science and technology. Just look at the continental histogram of the 207 Nobel Prizes in Physics from 1901 to 2017 (winners are counted by country of birth except for the Algerian Nobel Prize winner Claude Cohen-Tannoudji [1997], who was born when Algeria was a French territory):

Source: Nadua Antonelli <<Africana>> XXIII (2017) page 12

If they have no means to study, even the greatest and most brilliant brains cannot make discoveries or file patents, looking only at the sky and the earth.

About 80 per cent of science and technology staff and their achievements are concentrated in developed countries. The knowledge advantage gives developed countries the right to set the rules of the game and of communication for all global knowledge production and dissemination. In particular, the developed countries’ knowledge advantages in the military and high-tech media enable them to expand their influence on the civil and military fronts and achieve their strategic objectives.

Developing countries wander between traditional society, modern industrial civilisation and post-industrial civilisation, and are often challenged and oppressed by the third party’s hegemony of knowledge.

The new economy created by the information revolution is still a ‘rich-country phenomenon’, the core of what is called ‘advantage creation’, under the cover of ‘competitive advantage’, or rather: competitive towards those who cannot compete.

The country leading the information revolution is the United States, which is the biggest beneficiary of these achievements. The digital divide highlights the status of the US information superpower. In the global information sector, in 2000 the central processing unit production in the United States accounted for 92%, and software production for 86%.

IT (Information & Technology) investment in the United States was 41.5% of global investment, Microsoft’s Windows system accounted for 95% of global platform applications, while the US Internet users accounted for more than half of global Internet users, and 58% of all e-mail goes through US servers.

E-commerce is worth 75% of the global total and US commercial websites account for 90% of the planet.

Currently, there are almost three thousand large-scale databases in the world, 70% of which are in the United States. There are 13 top-level domain name servers in the world and 10 of them are located in the United States.

The above figures far exceed the share of US GDP, which is 28% of the world total. The United States is far ahead of all countries in the world, including the other developed countries. The leading position in information technology allows the United States to control the basics in the field of information with its strong economic and talent advantages, as well as to master the actual rights, and to set standards and formulate rules and regulations.

The status as cradle of the information revolution has brought enormous wealth and development benefits to the United States. Since the 1990s, the development of information technology and the rise of the related industry have become an accelerator of further economic advancement in the United States.

In the growth of US GDP – from 1994 (the beginning of the Internet) to 2000 – the share of the information industry in the value of the country’s total output has caused the economy to rise from 6.3% to 8.3%, and the contribution provided by the information industry development to the actual US economic growth is estimated at 30%.

At the beginning of the 21st century, the United States – with its strong national-global power and the relative hegemony of knowledge/information – was already ready to build a new world order.

Knowledge is also the soul of military hegemony. Since the 1990s the United States (after the USSR’s demise) has taken advantage of its absolute leadership in information technology to vigorously promote a new military revolution and equip its armed forces with a large number of modern sophisticated weapons, especially cyber weapons: an overwhelming advantage in the conventional field, clearly overtaking the Third World, as well as its Western allies.

The US superiority in equipment ranges from one to two generations (i.e. from 15 to 30 years) over developing countries and from 0.5 to one generation over allies. All this has established the hegemonic status of the United States as the world’s number one military power.

Gulf Wars II (1991) and III (2003) (the first was the Iran-Iraq War in 1980-88), the Kosovo War (1999), the Afghanistan War (2001- still ongoing), and the Iraq War (2003-2011) were four localised wars that the United States fought to establish a new world order after the Cold War. During those events, the US hegemony was strengthened on an unprecedented scale and its attempt to establish a new order made substantial progress.

Moreover, backed by strong military advantages (scattering the planet with its own bases and outposts), as well as economic and technological advantages, those events ensured that the United States had and still has a leading position in the world, thus making the White House a planner and defender of the new world order. (1. continued)

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Hardened US and Iranian positions question efficacy of parties’ negotiating tactics

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The United States and Iran seem to be hardening their positions in advance of a resumption of negotiations to revive a 2015 international nuclear agreement once Iranian President-elect Ebrahim Raisi takes office in early August.

Concern among supporters of the agreement to curb Iran’s nuclear program which former US President Donald J. Trump abandoned in 2018 may be premature but do raise questions about the efficacy of the negotiating tactics of both parties.

These tactics include the Biden administration’s framing of the negotiations exclusively in terms of the concerns of the West and its Middle Eastern allies rather than also as they relate to Iranian fears, a failure by both the United States and Iran to acknowledge that lifting sanctions is a complex process that needs to be taken into account in negotiations, and an Iranian refusal to clarify on what terms the Islamic republic may be willing to discuss non-nuclear issues once the nuclear agreement has been revived.

The differences in the negotiations between the United States and Iran are likely to be accentuated if and when the talks resume, particularly concerning the mechanics of lifting sanctions.

“The challenges facing the JCPOA negotiations are a really important example of how a failed experience of sanctions relief, as we had in Iran between the Obama and Trump admins, can cast a shadow over diplomacy for years to come, making it harder to secure US interests,” said Iran analyst Esfandyar Batmanghelidj referring to the nuclear accord, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, by its initials.

The Biden administration may be heeding Mr. Batmangheldij’s notion that crafting sanctions needs to take into account the fact that lifting them can be as difficult as imposing them as it considers more targeted additional punitive measures against Iran. Those measures would aim to hamper Iran’s evolving capabilities for precision strikes using drones and guided missiles by focusing on the providers of parts for those weapon systems, particularly engines and microelectronics.

To be sure, there is no discernable appetite in either Washington or Tehran to adjust negotiation tactics and amend their underlying assumptions. It would constitute a gargantuan, if not impossible challenge given the political environment in both capitals. That was reflected in recent days in Iranian and US statements.

Iranian Spiritual Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei suggested that agreement on the revival of the nuclear accord was stumbling over a US demand that it goes beyond the terms of the original accord by linking it to an Iranian willingness to discuss its ballistic missiles program and support for Arab proxies.

In a speech to the cabinet of outgoing President Hassan Rouhani, he asserted that the West “will try to hit us everywhere they can and if they don’t hit us in some place, it’s because they can’t… On paper and in their promises, they say they’ll remove sanctions. But they haven’t lifted them and won’t lift them. They impose conditions…to say in future Iran violated the agreement and there is no agreement” if Iran refuses to discuss regional issues or ballistic missiles.

Iranian officials insist that nothing can be discussed at this stage but a return by both countries to the nuclear accord as is. Officials, distrustful of US intentions, have hinted that an unconditional and verified return to the status quo ante may help open the door to talks on missiles and proxies provided this would involve not only Iranian actions and programs but also those of America’s allies.

Mr. Khamenei’s remarks seemed to bolster suggestions that once in office Mr. Raisi would seek to turn the table on the Biden administration by insisting on stricter verification and US implementation of its part of a revived agreement.

To achieve this, Iran is expected to demand the lifting of all rather than some sanctions imposed or extended by the Trump administration; verification of the lifting;  guarantees that the lifting of sanctions is irreversible, possibly by making any future American withdrawal from the deal contingent on approval by the United Nations Security Council; and iron-clad provisions to ensure that obstacles to Iranian trade are removed, including the country’s unfettered access to the international financial system and the country’s overseas accounts.

Mr. Khamenei’s remarks and Mr. Raisi’s anticipated harder line was echoed in warnings by US officials that the ascendancy of the new president would not get Iran a better deal. The officials cautioned further that there could be a point soon at which it would no longer be worth returning to because Iran’s nuclear program would have advanced to the point where the limitations imposed by the agreement wouldn’t produce the intended minimum one year ‘breakout time’ to produce enough enriched uranium for a bomb.

“We are committed to diplomacy, but this process cannot go on indefinitely. At some point, the gains achieved by the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) cannot be fully recovered by a return to the JCPOA if Iran continues the activities that it’s undertaken with regard to its nuclear program…The ball remains in Iran’s court, and we will see if they’re prepared to make the decisions necessary to come back into compliance,” US Secretary Antony Blinken said this week on a visit to Kuwait.

Another US official suggested that the United States and Iran could descend into a tug-of-war on who has the longer breath and who blinks first. It’s a war that so far has not produced expected results for the United States and in which Iran has paid a heavy price for standing its ground.

The official said that a breakdown in talks could “look a lot like the dual-track strategy of the past—sanctions pressure, other forms of pressure, and a persistent offer of negotiations. It will be a question of how long it takes the Iranians to come to the idea they will not wait us out.”

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Wendy Sherman’s China visit takes a terrible for the US turn

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Photo: Miller Center/ flickr

US Deputy Secretary of State, Wendy Sherman, had high hopes for the meeting in China. At first, the Chinese side did not agree to hold the meeting at all. The reaction had obvious reasons: Antony Blinken’s fiasco in Alaska left the Chinese disrespected and visibly irritated. This is not why they travelled all the way.

So then the State Department had the idea of sending Wendy Sherman instead. The US government actually needs China more than China needs the US. Sherman was in China to actually prepare the ground for Biden and a meeting between the two presidents, expecting a red carpet roll for Biden as if it’s still the 2000s — the time when it didn’t matter how the US behaved. Things did not go as expected.

Instead of red carpet talk, Sherman heard Dua Lipa’s “I got new rules”. 

That’s right — the Chinese side outlined three bottom lines warning the US to respect its system, development and sovereignty and territorial integrity. In other words, China wants to be left alone.

The bottom lines were not phrased as red lines. This was not a military conflict warning. This was China’s message that if any future dialogue was to take place, China needs to be left alone. China accused the US of creating an “imaginary enemy”. I have written about it before — the US is looking for a new Cold War but it doesn’t know how to start and the problem is that the other side actually holds all the cards

That’s why the US relies on good old militarism with an expansion into the Indo-Pacific, while aligning everyone against China but expecting the red carpet and wanting all else in the financial and economic domains to stay the same. The problem is that the US can no longer sell this because there are no buyers. Europeans also don’t want to play along.

The headlines on the meeting in the US press are less flattering than usual. If the US is serious about China policy it has to be prepared to listen to much more of that in the future. And perhaps to, yes, sit down and be humble.

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