Poverty alleviation has implied an important goal for developing countries and policy-makers in the last century. Recently, organisations such as the United Nations or the World Bank have reported a paramount, increasing necessity for exerting efforts on reducing poverty in such countries.
Moreover, in 2016, the Organisation for the Economic Co-Operation and Development stressed the role of economic growth as a powerful factor in reducing poverty in developing countries. Incidentally, this positive effect can be drawn from empirical evidence such as the unprecedented poverty reduction associated with economic growth in the India since 1980, the poverty reduction—69% to 54%—in Mozambique caused by a 62% economic growth between 1996 and 2002, and the Chinese economic growth which have lifted 450 million of people out of poverty since 1979.
In parallel with this data, there has been empirically observed a potential link between poverty and shame that might imply a new avenue in research. Indeed, a team of researchers at University of Oxford (UK), Makerere University (Uganda), Oslo & Akershus University College of Applied Sciences (Norway), Institute of Rural Management (India) and Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Scienes (China), has uncovered a new dimension of such linkage. The study (‘Poverty in Global Perspective: Is Shame a Common Denominator?’), which can be found at the Journal of Social Policy, starts wondering whether shame is universally associated with poverty—either in collectivistic or individualistic societies and cultures.
With the purpose of addressing their research question, they conduct a qualitative inquiry in diverse cultural settings, framing the concept of poverty according to local definitions for facilitating cross-country comparisons. Firstly, they investigate the poverty-shame nexus in each country by analysing cultures’ dominant values through a qualitative interpretation of their literature, film and proverbs. Secondly, after finding a linkage between poverty and shame, they conduct in-depth interviews with individuals experiencing poverty with the aim of applying a maximum difference technique that addresses their research question. Data analysed in the qualitative inquiry are in-depth interviews of adults and children—a total of 317 participants. Sample size involves seven countries with different culture—China, India, Korea, Norway, Pakistan, Uganda and the UK. Additionally, a total of 30 pieces of literature, film and proverbs is analysed in each country, covering a period of 150 years.
Cumulative evidence reveals that shame is universally associated with poverty, regardless the social and cultural nuance. In addition, they also find that poverty-related shame is internally felt but externally imposed by (1) the attitudes of those not in poverty, (2) anti-poverty policies and (3) the public discourse, causing individuals pretence, withdrawal, depression and despise, among other consequences.
In addition, the study does not only reveal innovative insights but also is quality research on the field—let us briefly analyse the substance of its methodological background.
The most remarkable weakness of qualitative inquiries is that researchers´ personal biases and idiosyncrasies can more easily exert an influence on respondents, making them to be less suitable for testing theories in comparison with quantitative inquiries approaches. However, the research team of this study fights against such weakness by avoiding to include the words ‘poverty’ or ‘shame’ neither in the in-depth interviews nor in the selection process of the respondents, with the aim of decreasing the chance for potential biases and hence balancing that weakness.
Moreover, they construct themselves the nexus that addresses their research question by induction, as they assert that there is not much known about this phenomenon. In light of the essence of this study, that poverty-related shame can be externalised but also internally felt, the chosen methodology is the most suitable to access to this dimension, as a quantitative inquiry could not reach to lived experiences that are not much known about.
Furthermore, the study also investigates the ‘universality’ of that nexus, something that might seem debatable under the traditional ontological position of qualitative inquiries. This position states that there exist ‘multiple realities’ and ‘truths’, which could lead advocates of the ‘incompatibility thesis’—thesis that confines the choice of the methodology to the paradigm, implying the impossibility of a combination—to argue against the fact of studying the ‘universality’ of a phenomenon through a qualitative inquiry. However, as an attempt to avoid such confrontation, the study uses of a maximum difference design—under the rationale that if the nexus holds across extremely different cultural settings, it might imply its ‘universality’—as it inherently recognises the existence of those multiple realities, with the only aim of observing whether those realities are linked under a common pattern, something that is totally consistent with the ontological position of the qualitative paradigm, leading to stifle the aforesaid potential critiques.
Another important feature of this study is that its purposive/qualitative sampling lies in line with the purpose of its inquiry, as it is achieved a selection of cases for an in-depth focus of study at the same time that transferability is allowed for generalising the findings and hence achieving the universality of the nexus—despite cultural nuances.
Concluding, the explicit appropriateness of the chosen methodology with the research question implies a causal, irreducible factor for fully addressing the phenomenon that the research question arises and hence for achieving an ‘excellent’ research that implies one of the most important empirical insights on social and cultural anthropology of this decade.
Women Rights in China and Challenges
Women rights and gender discrimination have been a problem for many years in china. Various restrictions were imposed on women to suppress them in society. Income discrepancy and traditional gender roles in country aim to place women inferior as compared with their male counterparts.
There are diverse sectors where women face discrimination. Women of the past and present in china have dealt with unfair employment practices. They have had to jump over the unnecessary hurdles just to keep up with their male counterparts in the society. The Chinese government claims to better prioritize the promotion of gender equality but in reality it does not seem appropriate to say that there is not a single department of life where women are not being suppressed. In jobs, mostly men are preferred over women at high positions. There are a number of contextual examples which demonstrates this discrepancy in the status of women throughout china, and whilst there has been a great deal of the popular sphere, others have been brutally repressed by a government dominated by male families. For example, women who have children do not always receive support from their pay when maternity leave.
China’s history has seen a higher focus on men being the core of not just their families but also they play crucial role in in overall country’s growth and development. Post Confucius era, society labeled men as the yang and women as the yin. In this same vein, society views Yang as active, smart and the dominant half. This compared with Yin, which is soft, passive and submissive. These ideologies are not as prominent today but persist enough that there is a problem.
The tradition begins at birth with boys being the preferred children compared to girls in China. A consensus opinion in the country is that if one has a male child versus a female child, they believe the son will grow into a more successful member of the family. The sons are more likely favored because the issue of pregnancy is a non-factor and they can choose almost any job they desire. Of course, this is something that does not support efforts for gender equality nor women’s rights in China.
A survey done just last year found that 80% of generation Z mothers did not have jobs outside of the home. Importantly, most of those surveyed were from poorer cities. The same survey found that 45% of these stay-at-home mothers had no intention of going back to work. They simply accepted their role of caring for the house. Gender equality and women’s rights in China have shifted toward cutting into the history of patriarchal dominance within the country.
Women’s Rights Movement in China
Since the Chinese government is not completely behind gender equality in China for women, the feminist movement is still active and stronger than ever. In 2015, the day before International Women’s Day, five feminist activists were arrested and jailed for 37 days. They were just five of an even larger movement of activists fighting against the traditional gender role ideology that has placed females below males. These movements have begun to make great progress towards gender inequality within the country. From 2011 to 2015, a “12th Five Year Plan” had goals of reducing gender inequality in education and healthcare.
The plan also was to increase the senior and management positions and make them accessible for women to apply for said positions. Xi Jinping, the current President of the People’s Republic of China, has proclaimed that the country will donate $10 million to the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. During the next five years and beyond, this support will help the women of China and other countries build 100 health projects for women and children. March 1, 2016, the Anti-domestic Violence Law of the People’s Republic of China took effect. This law resulted in the improvement in legislation for gender equality in China. In June of that year, ¥279.453 billion was put forth toward loans to help women, overall.
‘’There are a number of contextual examples which demonstrate this discrepancy in the status of women throughout China, and whilst there has been a great deal of progress made in some elements of the popular sphere, others have been brutally repressed by a government dominated by male influence.
Mao Zedong’s famously published collection of speeches entitled ‘the little red book’ offers a glimpse into the People’s Republic’s public policy in relation to women, as Mao himself is quoted as saying ‘Women hold up half the sky’ and more overtly.’’
In order to build a great socialist society, it is of the utmost importance to arouse the broad masses of women to join in productive activity. Men and women must receive equal pay for equal work in production. Genuine equality between the sexes can only be realized in the process of the socialist transformation of society as a whole.
The china has been widening the gender discrimination gap in the society through legalized way and there is desperate need to raise the voices in gender equality.
Gender Pay Gaps during Pandemic: A Reflection on International Workers’ Day 2021
Men, rather than women, have been disproportionately affected by job losses over time. Nonetheless, the harsh reality of this pandemic recession has shown that women are more likely to be unemployed. As a matter of fact, women have lost substantial jobs as a result of increased childcare needs caused by school and daycare closures, which prohibit many women from working, and as a result of their employment being concentrated in heavily affected sectors such as the services sector (hospitality business, restaurant, retail outlets and so on). According to a study by Alon et al, women’s unemployment increased by 12.8 percent during the first period of Covid-19 (from March 2020), while men’s unemployment increased by just 9.9 percent. Changes in job rates (which include transfers into and out of the labor force) follow the same trend, with women experiencing a much greater drop in employment than men during the recession. Similar trends have been seen in other pandemic-affected countries.
In Southeast Asia, where informal workers account for 78 percent of the workforce, women make up the majority of blue-collar employees. In Indonesia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar, women make up a substantial portion of the domestic workers, despite having a low contractual working status in informal settings. They are underpaid as a result of the pandemic, and the Covid-19 recession has reduced their importance in the workplace. Indonesia as one of the countries which affected by pandemic also experienced similar thing, with two-thirds of the female population in the active age group (between 15 and 64 years old), Indonesia is supposed to have tremendous potential for accelerating its economic development, but the truth is the opposite due to the never-ending pandemic. Since the pandemic began, many employees, mostly women, have lost their jobs or had their working hours shortened. Of course, their daily wages are affected by this situation. Besides, the wage gap between men and women also widens from March 2020 to March 2021, with women in the informal sector receiving up to 50% less than men, clearly resulting in discriminatory practices.Despite the fact that Indonesia ratified the International Labor Organization’s (ILO) Convention No. 100 on Equal Remuneration in 1958, fair and equal salaries have remained unchanged until now, and the legislation seems to have been overlooked and inapplicable in a pandemic situation.
Furthermore, the issue is not resolved at that stage. Apart from the pandemic, both formal and informal workers are exposed to various work systems and regulations. Women may have similar experiences with low wages and unequal payment positions in both environments, but women who work in the formal sector have the capacity, experience, and communication skills to negotiate their salaries with their employers, while women who work in the informal sector do not. Women in informal work face a number of challenges, including a lack of negotiation skills and a voice in fighting for their rights, particularly if they lack support structures (labor unions). Furthermore, when it comes to employees’ salaries, the corporate system is notoriously secretive. Another issue that continues to upset women is the lack of transparency in employee wages. Despite the fact that the national minimum wage policy is regulated by the government, only a small number of female workers are aware of it.
Overcoming Gender Pay Gaps within Pandemic Condition
In the spirit of International Workers’ Day 2021, there should be an organized and systematic solution to (at the very least) close the wage gap between men and women in this pandemic situation. International organizations and agencies also attempted to convince national governments to abolish gender roles and prejudices, however this is insufficient. As a decision-maker, the government must ‘knock on the door’ of companies and businesses to support and appreciate work done disproportionately by women. Furthermore, implementing transparent and equitable wage schemes is an important aspect of significantly changing this phenomenon. Real action must come not only from the structural level (government and corporations), but also from society, which must acknowledge the existence of women’s workers and not undervalue what they have accomplished, because in this Covid-19 condition, women must bear the “triple burden” of action, whether in productive work (as a worker or labor), reproductive work (as a wife and mother), and also as a member of society. Last but not least, women must actively engage in labor unions in order to persuade gender equality in the workplace and have the courage to speak out for their rights, as this is the key to securing fair wages. And when women are paid equally, their family’s income rises, and they contribute more to the family’s well-being.
Latvian human rights activists condemn homophobia in China, Latvia and the world
The issue of human rights of LGBT persons is like a hot potato – hard to spit it out, but also hard to swallow. Despite majority of the public having nothing against the LGBT community, people are afraid to allow them to have the same human rights everyone else has.
Governments and politicians also clash when it comes to fully recognizing the human rights of LGBT persons – and communist China is no exception. Interestingly, the Chinese Communist Party maintains a stance of double morals on this issue. On the one hand, during UN meetings China always reproaches other nations about homophobia and violations of LGBT rights. On the other hand, China has never been able to eradicate homophobia in the Chinese community, but instead has furthered it, for instance, by banning Eurovision broadcasts in China and by trying to ignore the existence of an LGBT community in China.
The Chinese Communist Party has become seriously entangled in its own ideology – as I already wrote, Chinese representatives have no shame in criticizing other countries’ discrimination of people with a non-traditional sexual orientation, stressing that China doesn’t consider homosexuality to be a mental illness. Moreover, the Chinese government has publicly stated that China supports the activities of LGBT organization. But this is simply not true! Although on the international stage Beijing acts as a protector of the human rights of LGBT communities and agitates for the equality of gays and lesbians, in China itself LGBT and women’s rights activists are being repressed, detained and held in labor camps. Thus, Beijing is doing everything in its power to suppress women’s rights and human rights in general.
The most pathetic thing in all this is that Beijing has always voted against all UN initiatives and resolutions that concern the recognition and establishment of human rights for LGBT persons, as this would draw even more attention to the violations of human rights in China itself.
In this regard, in solidarity with Chinese LGBT representatives the leading protector of LGBT human rights from the party Latvian Russian Union (LKS) Aleksandrs Kuzmins and one of the LKS’s leaders and MEP Tatjana Ždanoka have expressed concerns over the recent homophobic attacks in Latvia and are urging citizens from Latvia and around the world to attach a rainbow flag next to the ribbon of St. George during the upcoming 9 May Victory Day celebrations, thus commemorating members of the LGBT community that died during World War II.
Kuzmins stressed that during WWII members of the LGBT community also fought against Nazi Germany, adding that it’s no secret that in the Soviet army there were hundreds and thousands of gays and lesbians who fought shoulder to shoulder for the freedom of their motherland. These people were, however, repressed and exiled to Siberia after the war by the Stalin regime. Most of them were tortured to death in gulags, which is confirmed by information recently acquired from Moscow’s archives.
Human rights activists from the LKS believe that it’s time for people to change and openly talk about the mistakes that were made in the past – we don’t live in the Middle Ages anymore and we should get rid of ancient dogmas and stereotypes about the LGBT community, lest more people fall victim to the intolerance and hate.
On the eve of the Victory Day, the LKS urges global leaders to admit the severe mistakes that have been made and to end the repressions against their own LGBT communities.
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