In today’s world, why does the world community always focus on the merely one Holocaust committed by Hitler’s Germany, which was subjected to fervent interests and ideas on disposing “Enlightenment” policy of Nazi Germany amid the Hitler’ regime?!- But indeed, it is undeniable fact that a civil society in different periods observed far more anti-Semitist campaign against Jewish community with their own eyes along the history.
Hence, nefarious anti-Semitism not only did splash its venomous seeds onto merely Nazi Germany but also the Soviet Union during the Stalin’s regime. Basically, when it comes to interpret the anti-Semitist campaign against Jewish society, the most brutal and unbearable anti-Semitist policy after the Nazi Holocaust was the extreme state anti-Semitism which was imposed by Stalin in the shadow of the Soviet Union and caused the unending prosecution and then annihilation of hundreds of people, mainly some of Soviet Leaders and necessary Jewish physicians between 1948 and 1953.
The main conspiracy of state anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union was Doctors’ Plot (Doctors’ Affairs) had historically been scrutinized as the peak point of the nasty anti-Semitic campaign undertaken by Stalinist Russia that mainly premised on the anti-cosmopolitism and anti-Semitist thoughts and ideas. To a large extent, the severe culmination of the vicious anti-Semitic movement was undertaken by Stalin in the last years of his life. In the late periods of 1948, the animosity and anti-cosmopolitan thoughts and ideas against Jewish dwelled in the Soviet Union drastically increased.
The pivotal trigger for the inception of the diabolical plan so-called Doctors’ Plot was the death of Andrei Zhdanov in 1948. Prior to becoming Chief of Central Committee, he was the head of Leningrad party. In the late of 1952, Stalin accused a group of doctors with Jewish background along with Soviet leaders Viktor Abakumov, Ministry of Security and Nikolai Vlasik, head of Kremlin Guards of being in charge with the assassination of A. Zhdanov. The main evidence regarding that event was the letter written by Dr. Lidiia Timashuk who worked in Kremlin hospital cardio-graphic division ignited the mass hysteria and fear between Soviet Leaders and community. The letter written to Stalin alleged that the death of A. Zhdanov was an intentionally medical wrong treatment. Afterwards, a large number of doctors with a Jewish background, (among them Miron Vovsi, Chief internist) alleged in medical malpractice and wrongdoing treatment were committed to interrogation; some of them were arrested and exterminated. On the other hand, the cousin of Miron Vovsi, Solomon Mikhoels, who was the director of Moscow State Yiddish Theatre, was assassinated in 1948.
Apparently, they turned into the wrecked victims of Stalin’s evil Jewish conspiracy. Stalin had in mind to involve more and more people around the net of denunciations of multidimensional conspiracy. Thus, the severe condemnations came to include the prestigious Jewish physicians such as Yakov G. Etinger, Sophia Karpai were arrested. After that, Dr. Etinger died in the mysterious condition in prison amid the process of questioning and torture in 1951. In general, nearly 40 physicians with their wives were arrested between 1951 and 1953. As the “Plot” vastly extended, it did include other almost 20 Jews in 1953.
In fact, the Soviet Jewish conspiracy subjected to the implementation of anti-Semitic thoughts and anti-cosmopolitism against Jewish community revealed the internal and external fears and weaknesses of Soviet Union on its own and astounded its political and ideological walls.
The execution of Doctors’ Plot in Stalinist Russia stemmed from varied kinds of political and ideological factors. First and foremost, one of the crucial reasons why Soviet Jewish conspiracy was commenced is the inception of the Cold War with the West. Regarding the fact that although Stalin was characterized as a main rescuer of the Jewish community during the World War II because he defeated the Nazi Germany in the war and released the Concentration Camps in the Eastern Part of Europe from Nazis. Amid those times, Stalin tried to use the “Jewish” affair as a means of propaganda against the West. It is undeniable fact that prior to the commencement of Soviet Jewish conspiracy, Stalin at initial times supported the foundation of Israel State of Jewish. On the other hand, the major power of the Bolshevik Party was the Jewish leaders.
Thus, by 1948 there were weird fears in Stalin’s mind that Israel Jewish, Jewish community in the Soviet Union, in particular, Russian Jews, assumed as conspirators and enemies were a potential menace to the Soviet State and they were dealing with secret relations with the American and British intelligence, and other security organs in order to break down the political and ideological basis of Soviet Union. According to Stalin’s mind, they were in secret ties with the West and supporting the interests of Jewish solidarity – “International Jewry” Eventually, the initial inception of the anti-Cosmopolitan campaign against Jewish mainly concerned on those ideological episodes.
Another critical reason was the Stalin’s severe health particularly physical condition. Upon the World War II, some kind of physical collapse emerged in his health and that caused him to make weird assumptions against Jewish. In fact, he was drowning in the bizarre thoughts and fears regarding the Jewish solidarity with the State of Israel and the West in order to destroy the Soviet Union. Finally, Stalin’s prevailing aim was to focus on the flawless administration by his own power. Therefore, the main raison d’être why Soviet Jewish were undergone anti-Semitic campaign is based on the strengthening and recombining of Stalin’s regime in an appropriate way.
Stalin not only did want to remove potential political leaders but also sprinkle the fatal seeds of Great Terror and replicate it again. Throughout those periods, he wanted to execute far more multi-dimensional anti-Semitic campaign against Soviet Jewish and turned them into the victims of his final “ethnic purge” campaign.
The death of Stalin on 5th March 1953 caused the dissolution of Doctors’ Plot trials and his multi-dimensional “Day X” plan. Prior to his death what was Stalin’s severe campaign regarding Day X plan?!- The plan was subjected to mass deportations and ethnic cleansing of Jewish people to newly constructed Concentration camps in Asia. After his death, it was revealed that Stalin in his secret speech had ordered the involving of Politburo members in the list of trial and then elimination of them one by one. In fact, Stalin did not have in mind to see far more powerful leaders above him and strive to maintain his long-lasting authority in Soviet administration. It was apparent that Stalin was preparing for the large-scale trials and massive deportations of Jewish people and striving to complete the final questions to the Jewish issue but, his death caused to bring the trials and persecutions to the end.
Upon Stalin’s death Khrushchev, Malenkov, Beria, and other Politburo members were afraid of Stalin’s severe anti-Western policy and they strived to close the relations with the West. Afterwards, Khrushchev came to the power and condemned the Jewish conspiracy so-called Doctor’s Plot as a Stalin’s bogus policy and began to the de-Stalinization campaign in the Soviet Union and unlike Stalin he undertook the new openness strategy with the West. As a consequence, Doctors’ Plot was rejected by other Soviet authorities and doctors arrested were released from prison and rehabilitated. Eventually, Soviet authorities began to implement the process of rehabilitation and exoneration of the Jewish victims.
Up to date, Stalin’s final plan still remains mysterious and the campaign of animosity against Jews in the Soviet Union as an “abandoned Holocaust” engenders some suspicious cases and questions in terms of the plan of mass deportation of Jews from major Russian cities to other parts of the Soviet State. Thereby, this article mainly identifies that the execution against Jewish people is inadmissible that took many lives during the term of mass hysteria, in order that the Doctors’ Plot as a concrete evidence of the violation of human rights, confessed the persecution of many innocent people alleged in medical malpractice and after the Nazi Holocaust it was the second crystal evidence of Soviet’s Holocaust against mankind along the history.
Carl Schmitt for the XXI Century
For decades, the scholars of international relations have confused the term “New World order” in the social, political, or economic spheres. Even today, few scholars confuse the term with the information age, internet, universalism, globalization, and American imperialism. Unlike the complex categorization of the New World Order, the concept of the Old World Order was purely a juridical phenomenon. However, from standpoint of modernity, the term New World order is a purely ideological and political phenomenon, which embodies various displays such as liberal democracy, financial capitalism, and technological imperialism.
In his Magnus Opus “The concept of the Political”, Carl Schmitt lauded a harsh criticism on liberal ideology and favored competitive decisionism over it. This is why according to Schmitt’s critics; the whole text in “The concept of the political” is filled with authoritarian overtones. Nonetheless, the fact cannot be denied that it was the radical political philosophy of Carl Schmitt that paved the way for the conservative revolution in Europe. Even today, his writings are being regarded as one of the major contributions to the field of political philosophy from the 20th century.
Throughout his major works such as “Nomos of the earth”, “the Crisis of Parliamentary democracy”, “The concept of the Political” and “Dictatorship”, Carl Schmitt frequently employs unadorned terms such as ‘actual’, ‘concrete’, ‘real’, and ‘specific’ to apprize his political ideas. However, he advances most of the core political ideas by using the metaphysical framework. For instance, in the broader political domain, Carl Schmitt anticipated the existential dimension of the ‘actual politics’ in the world today.
On the contrary, in his famous work “The Concept of the Political” readers most encounter the interplay between the abstract and ideal and, the concrete and real aspects of politics. Perhaps, understanding of Schmitt’s discursive distinctions is necessary when it comes to the deconstruction of the liberal promoted intellectual discourse. However, the point should be kept in mind that for Schmitt the concept of the political does not necessarily refer to any concrete subject matter such as “state” or “sovereignty”. In this respect, his concept of the political simply refers to the friend-enemy dialectics or distinction. To be more precise, the categorization of the term “Political” defines the degree of intensity of an association and dissociation.
In addition, the famous friend-enemy dialectics is also the central theme of his famous book “The Concept of the Political”. Likewise, the famous friend-enemy distinction in Schmitt’s famous work has both concrete and existential meaning. Here, the word “enemy” refers to the fight against ‘human totality”, which depends upon the circumstances. In this respect, throughout his work, one of the major focuses of Carl Schmitt was on the subject of “real Politics”. According to Schmitt, friend, enemy, and battle have real meaning. This is why, throughout his several works; Carl Schmitt remained much concerned with the theory of state and sovereignty. As Schmitt writes;
“I do not say the general theory of the state; for the category, the general theory of the state…is a typical concern of the liberal nineteenth century. This category arises from the normative effort to dissolve the concrete state and the concrete Volk in generalities (general education, general theory of the law, and finally general theory of the knowledge; and in this way to destroy their political order”.
As a matter of the fact, for Schmitt, the real politics ends up in battle, as he says, “The normal proves nothing, but the exception proves everything”. Here, Schmitt uses the concept of “exceptionality” to overcome the pragmatism of Liberalism. Although, in his later writings, Carl Schmitt attempted to dissociate the concept of “Political” from the controlling and the limiting spheres but he deliberately failed. One of the major reasons behind Schmitt’s isolation of the concept of the political is that he wanted to limit the categorization of friend-enemy distinction. Another major purpose of Schmitt was to purify the concept of the “Political” was by dissociating it from the subject-object duality. According to Schmitt, the concept of the political was not a subject matter and has no limit at all. Perhaps, this is why Schmitt advocated looking beyond the ordinary conception and definition of politics in textbooks.
For Schmitt, it was Liberalism, which introduced the absolutist conception of politics by destroying its actual meaning. In this respect, he developed his very idea of the “Political” against the backdrop of the “human totality” (Gesamtheit Von Menschen). Today’s Europe should remember the bloody revolutionary year of 1848 because the so-called economic prosperity, technological progress, and the self-assured positivism of the last century have come together to produce long and deep amnesia. Nonetheless, the fact cannot be denied that the revolutionary events of1848 had brought deep anxiety and fear for the ordinary Europeans. For instance, the famous sentence from the year 1848 reads;
“For this reason, fear grabs hold of the genius at a different time than it does normal people. the latter recognizes the danger at the time of danger; up to that, they are not secure, and if the danger has passed, then they are secure. The genius is the strongest precisely at the time of danger”.
Unfortunately, it was the intellectual predicament at the European stage in the year 1848 that caused revolutionary anxiety and distress among ordinary Europeans. Today, ordinary Europeans face similar situations in the social, political, and ideological spheres. The growing anxieties of the European public consciousness cannot be grasped without taking into account Carl Schmitt’s critique of liberal democracy. A century and a half ago, by embracing liberal democracy under the auspices of free-market capitalism, the Europeans played a pivotal role in the self-destruction of the European spirit.
The vicious technological drive under liberal capitalism led the European civilization towards crony centralism, industrialism, mechanization, and above all singularity. Today, neoliberal capitalism has transformed the world into a consumer-hyped mechanized factory in which humanity appears as the by-product of its own artificial creation. The unstructured mechanization of humanity in the last century has brought human civilization to technological crossroads. Hence, the technological drive under liberal democratic capitalism is presenting a huge threat to human civilizational identity.
 Wolin, Richard, Carl Schmitt, Political Existentialism, and the Total State, Theory and Society, volume no. 19, no. 4, 1990 (pp. 389-416). Schmitt deemed the friend-enemy dialectics as the cornerstone of his critique on liberalism and universalism.
Democratic Backsliding: A Framework for Understanding and Combatting it
Democracy is suffering setbacks around the world. Over the past decade, the number of liberal democracies has shrunk from 41 to 32. Today, 34 percent of the global population lives in 25 countries moving in the direction of autocracy. By contrast, only 16 countries are undergoing a process of democratization, representing just 4 percent of the global population. Reflecting these troubling trends, USAID Administrator Samantha Power, during her confirmation hearing, highlighted democratic backsliding – along with climate change, conflict and state collapse, and COVID-19 – as among the “four interconnected and gargantuan challenges” that will guide the Biden Administration’s development priorities.
However, defining “democratic backsliding” is far from straightforward. Practitioners and policymakers too often refer to “democratic backsliding” broadly, but there is a high degree of variation in how backsliding manifests in different contexts. This imprecise approach is problematic because it can lead to an inaccurate analysis of events in a country and thereby inappropriate or ineffective solutions.
To prevent or mitigate democratic backsliding, policymakers need a definition of the concept that captures its multi-dimensional nature. It must include the actors responsible for the democratic erosion, the groups imperiled by it, as well as the allies who can help reverse the worst effects of backsliding.
To address this gap, the International Republican Institute developed a conceptual framework to help practitioners and policymakers more precisely define and analyze how democratic backsliding (or “closing democratic space”) is transpiring and then devise foreign assistance programs to combat it. Shifting away from broad generalizations that a country is moving forward or backward vis-à-vis democracy—which makes it difficult, if not impossible, to derive specific solutions—the framework breaks closing democratic space into six distinct, and sometimes interrelated, subsectors or “spaces.”
Political/Electoral: Encompasses the arena for political competition and the ability of citizens to hold their government accountable through elections. Examples of closing political or electoral space range from fraudulent election processes and the arrest or harassment of political leaders to burdensome administrative barriers to political party registration or campaigning.
Economic: Refers to the relationship between a country’s economic market structure, including access and regulation, and political competition. Examples of closing economic space include selective or politically motivated audits or distribution of government licenses, contracts, or tax benefits.
Civic/Associational: Describes the space where citizens meet to discuss and/or advocate for issues, needs, and priorities outside the purview of the government. Examples of closing civic or associational space include harassment or co-optation of civic actors or civil society organizations and administrative barriers designed to hamper civil society organizations’ goals including limiting or making it arduous to access resources.
Informational: Captures the venues that afford citizens the opportunity to learn about government performance or hold elected leaders to account, including the media environment and the digital realm. h. Examples of closing informational space consist of laws criminalizing online speech or activity, restrictions on accessing the internet or applications, censorship (including self-censorship), and editorial pressure or harassment of journalists.
Individual: Encapsulates the space where individuals, including public intellectuals, academics, artists, and cultural leaders– including those traditionally marginalized based on religious, ethnicity, language, or sexual orientation–can exercise basic freedoms related to speech, property, movement, and equality under the law. Common tactics of closing individual space include formal and informal restrictions on basic rights to assemble, protest, or otherwise exercise free speech; censorship, surveillance, or harassment of cultural figures or those critical of government actions; and scapegoating or harassing identity groups.
Governing: Comprises the role of state institutions, at all levels, within political processes. Typical instances of closing the governing space include partisan control of government entities such as courts, election commissions, security services, regulatory bodies; informal control of such governing bodies through nepotism or patronage networks; and legal changes that weaken the balance of powers in favor of the executive branch.
Examining democratic backsliding through this framework forces practitioners and policymakers to more precisely identify how and where democratic space is closing and who is affected. This enhanced understanding enables officials to craft more targeted interventions.
For example, analysts were quick to note Myanmar’s swift about-face toward autocracy. This might be true, but how does this high-level generalization help craft an effective policy and foreign aid response, beyond emphasizing a need to target funds on strengthening democracy to reverse the trend? In short, it does not. If practitioners and policymakers had dissected Myanmar’s backsliding using the six-part framework, it would have highlighted specific opportunities for intervention. This systematic analysis reveals the regime has closed civic space, via forbidding large gatherings, as well as the information space, by outlawing online exchanges and unsanctioned news, even suspending most television broadcasts. One could easily populate the other four spaces with recent examples, as well.
Immediately, we see how this exercise leads to more targeted interventions—support to keep news outlets operating, for example, via software the government cannot hack—that, collectively, can help slow backsliding. Using the framework also compels practitioners and policymakers to consider where there might be spillover—closing in one space that might bleed into another space—and what should be done to mitigate further closing.
Finally, using this framework to examine the strength of Myanmar’s democratic institutions and norms prior to the February coup d’etat may have revealed shortcomings that, if addressed, could have slowed or lessened the impact of the sudden democratic decline. For example, the high-profile arrest of journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo in December 2017 was a significant signal that Myanmar’s information space was closing. Laws or actions to increase protections for journalists and media outlets, could have strengthened the media environment prior to the coup, making it more difficult for the military to close the information space.
A more precise diagnosis of the problem of democratic backsliding is the first step in crafting more effective and efficient solutions. This framework provides practitioners and policymakers a practical way to more thoroughly examine closing space situations and design holistic policies and interventions that address both the immediate challenge and longer-term issue of maintaining and growing democratic gains globally.
Authentic Justice Thus Everlasting Peace: Because We Are One
The ceasefire in the Israeli-Palestine conflict is a good thing. We thank God for it. Be it between two individuals or institutions or nations or the internal colonial and colonized, war does not do anything except cause more immediate or future mass misery and human destruction. Our continued memories of our interpersonal and international and internal colonial and civil wars and the memorials we erect to remember them recall and record wounds and pains we never get over.
So it becomes a bothersome puzzle as to why we human beings still just don’t get that war like oppression leads to nowhere except to more human devastation. And we should have learned by now but have not that peacemaking like ceasefires mean nothing without justice.
It is the reason why I constantly find myself correcting those who stress Peace and Justice.No Justice No Peace is more than a cliche.It is real politic emotionally, economically, socially, and spiritually.
Our American inner cities like those in every continent where culturally different and similar people live cramped impoverished lives and nations and colonial enclaves with such unequal wealth remind us of their continued explosive potentialities when peace is once again declared but with no justice.Everyone deserves a decent quality of life which not only includes material necessities but more importantly emotional and spiritual freedoms and other liberations.Not just the victors who conquer and rule and not just the rich and otherwise privileged.
And until such justices are assured to everyone peacemaking is merely a bandaid on cancerous societal or International conflictual soars which come to only benefit those who profit from wars which are bound to come around again when there is no justice and thus peace such as family destroying divorce lawyers, blood hungry media to sell more subscriptions , arms dealers to sell more murderous technologies, politicians needing votes so start and prolong wars, and military men and women seeking promotion while practicing their killing capacities.
So if those of us who devoutly practice our faiths or our golden moral principles, let us say always and pray and advocate justice and peace always as a vital public good and do justice then lasting peace in our personal lives and insist that national leaders, our own and others do the same in their conduct of international affairs and affairs with those who are stateless in this global world.
All such pleading is essential since we are all brothers and sisters in the eyes of God who created all of us in God’s image as one humanity out of everlasting divine love for all of us so we should love each other as God loves all of us leading to desiring justice and thus lasting peace for each and every one of us.
This is difficult for those in international affairs to understand who take more conventional secular approaches to historical and contemporary justice and peace challenges as if our universal spiritual connectivennes ( not to be confused with the vast diversity of organized religions)as human beings which makes us all brothers and sisters has no relevance. But if we are going to find true enduring peace we have no alternative but to turn our backs on increasingly useless secular methods which go either way, stressing peace then justice or justice then peace and understand how much we must begin to explore and implement approaches which we look at each other as spiritually connected brothers and sisters in which it is the expectation that peace only comes and lasts when through the equal enjoyment of justices for every human being, we restore our universal kindred rooted in the everlasting love of God and thus for each other, no matter the different ways in which we define God or positive moral principles which originate in understandings that we human beings in all our diversities are one and thus brothers and sisters.
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