“Under conditions of tyranny, it is far easier to act than to think” -Hannah Arendt
Various historians and cultural anthropologists have urged us lately not to conflate too easily Communism with Nazism. This admonition goes back to a book which appeared in 1945: Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism which analyzes these two major totalitarian movements of the 20th century, namely Nazism and Stalinism. The book did not appear in its English version (titled as The Burden of our Times) till 1951. It became a classic on the subject.
Few scholars would deny that this book has played a major role in shaping the way international affairs have been viewed, from the second half of the 20th century onward. Perhaps more than any other treatise, it has contributed to the way people with a liberal outlook have grappled with the totalitarian ideas and regimes of both the right and the left. To a large extent, this book entrenched the concept of totalitarianism and characterized this type of regime, stressing the shared characteristics of Nazism and Communism, despite the many differences that can be discerned between them.
It is difficult to classify Arendt’s volume on totalitarianism as a book on philosophy, history, political science or mass psychology. Perhaps it would be better listed under Cultural Anthropology. In fact, it is a treatise about the history of culture that is overarching and all-encompassing in its scope, and in this respect it is in the tradition of all-embracing works like Oswald Spengler’s The Decline of the West or Arnold Toynbee’s A Study of History or Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man, or Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order,” or even Vico’s New Science.
Nevertheless, despite this difficulty, to this day, Arend’t treatise continues to offer one of the best insights into totalitarian movements and regimes. It afforded the West the ideological infrastructure needed to see the Cold War not only as a struggle between two superpowers aspiring to world hegemony, but also as a continuation of the fight against totalitarianism as such, whether it comes from the right or the left.
The enormous complexity of The Origins of Totalitarianism arises from its interweaving of an understanding of the concept of totalitarianism with the description of its emergence and embodiment in Nazism and Stalinism. In the 60s it was a must book for many college students, including myself. Now that Nazism had been disposed of, it was felt at the time, we needed to understand the origins of that other totalitarian system, Communism, as it presented itself at its origins under Lenin and Stalin.
Arendt seemed to be saying that the two were two sides of the same coin; she seemed to conflate them into each other. At least that was the most common interpretation at the time to which some scholars objected. We must remember that the 50s were the times of Mc Chartism which suspected and looked for a communist under every bed. After World War II, the West did in fact face an intricate problem: while Nazism and Fascism had been defeated, this victory, if truth be told, had been made possible largely thanks to the cooperation and help of Stalin’s Soviet Union.
Before 1945, the war could be depicted as pitting the “free world” against the dictatorships of Hitler and Mussolini, but the strong-armed Communist takeover of Eastern Europe made it difficult to continue clinging to this fiction. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that totalitarianism has been identified by many historians as a brutal, and, thanks to modern technology, potent form of political tyranny whose ambitions for world domination are unlimited.
Disseminating propaganda derived from an ideology through the media of mass communication, totalitarianism relies on mass support. It crushes whoever and whatever stands in its way by means of terror and proceeds to a total reconstruction of the society it displaces. Thus a largely rural and feudal Russian Empire, under the absolutist rule of czars stretching back to the fifteenth century, was transformed first by Lenin after the October Revolution of 1917 and then by Stalin into an industrialized Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
Similarly, a Germany broken after its defeat in World War I, was mobilized and became the conqueror of most of Europe in the early 1940s less than a decade after Hitler’s assumption of power. In China the People’s Republic, by taking the Great Leap Forward in 1958 followed by the Cultural Revolution beginning in 1966 and ending with Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, expunged much of what remained of a Confucian culture that had survived for more than three thousand years.
Now, according to Arendt the nature of totalitarianism is the combination of “its essence of terror and its principle of logicality” As “essence” terror must be total, more than a means of suppressing opposition, more than an extreme or insane vindictiveness. Total terror is, in its own way, rational: it replaces, literally takes the place of, the role played by positive laws in constitutional governments.
But the result is neither lawless anarchy, the war of all against all, nor the tyrannical abrogation of law. Arendt pointed out that just as a government of laws would become “perfect” in the absence of transgressions, so terror “rules supreme when nobody any longer stands in its way.” Just as positive laws in a constitutional government seek to “translate and realize” higher transcendent laws, such as God’s commandments or natural law, so totalitarian terror “is designed to translate into reality the law of movement of history or nature,” not in a limited body politic, but throughout mankind. The goal of totalitarian terror is to become universal in theory and practice.
Jerome Kohn, who is the Director of the Hannah Arendt Center at the New Social University writes this in his essay Totalitarianism: the Inversion of Politics: “Arendt concluded that Hitler and Stalin discovered that the eradication of the unpredictability of human affairs, of human freedom, and of human nature itself is possible in ‘the true central institution of totalitarian organizational power,’ the concentration camp.
In concentration camps the combination of the practice of terror with the principle of logicality, which is the nature of totalitarianism, ‘resolves’ the conflict in constitutional governments between legality and justice by ridding human beings of individual consciences and making them embodiments of the laws governing the motion of nature and history.
On the one hand, in the world view of totalitarianism the freedom of human beings is inconsequential to ‘the undeniable automatism’ of natural and historical processes, or at most an impediment to their freedom. On the other, when ‘the iron band of terror’ destroys human plurality, so totally dominating human beings that they cease to be individuals and become a mere mass of identical, interchangeable specimens ‘of the animal-species man,’ that terror provides the movement of nature and history with ‘an incomparable instrument’ of acceleration.
Terror and logicality welded together equip totalitarian regimes with unprecedented power to dominate human beings. How totalitarian systems accomplish their inversion of political life, above all how they set about destroying human conscience and the plurality of unique human individuals, staggers the imagination and confounds the faculty of understanding.”
Arendt’s primary contribution to the understanding of totalitarianism lies mainly in her contention that the totalitarian movements, both fascist and communist, provided an answer to the masses facing the disintegration of traditional European society, with its hierarchies, norms and accepted modes of behavior. Modernization and democratization, it emerges, did not in fact elevate “the people” but often, rather, the “masses” or the “mob,” an observation already made by conservative writers like Jose Ortega y Gasset. According to this perspective, fascism and communism were not a continuation of the historical dictatorships based on ruling classes or conquests exemplified by European aristocracy. They represented a new kind of tyranny, nourished by the alienation spread by modern life. The individual, “the common man,” is entirely cut off from moderating or restraining affiliations. He has nothing in his life but the idea that connects him directly, with no need of institutional mediation, to the movement and the leader.
Hence the mass marches and pageants — whether in Nuremburg or in Red Square. Hence the intoxication from the stunning individual experience of marching together with tens of thousands of others to stirring music and flags waving still going on in Communist North Korea. Hence, too, the creation of an intrusive bureaucratic machine, accompanied by a secret police force and concentration camps, with hierarchical and rigid discipline binding together a population with no other foci of identification. What enthusiastic belief does not do, fear will, and the combination of the two is tremendously powerful. The cruel irony is that the totalitarian society really is a classless society that could therefore be headed by nonentities like Hitler and Stalin or closer to our times, a Donald Trump who is already been hailed as a saving “leader” by all the far right white supremacists and racists of the country. The illusion is that the Constitution and its provisions of checks and balances will ultimately prevail. One hopes so, but that remains to be seen.
In fact, today we know far more about totalitarian regimes than Arendt did when she wrote the book. Nevertheless, Arendt’s descriptions continue to be read with great excitement, just as Arthur Koestler’s novel “Darkness at Noon” still provides insight into Stalin’s purge trials in Moscow and why it disappointed convinced communists such as Ignazio Silone. It must be pointed out however that of its three sections of Arendt’s book, only the last focuses on totalitarianism; the first two are entitled “Anti-Semitism” and “Imperialism.”
In the section on imperialism, Arendt devotes a chapter to the rise of the pan-German and pan-Slavic movements and, surprisingly, depicts them as evidence of the decline of the nation-state. However, historical research, like the statements of those selfsame pan-movements, indicates that they are clearly nationalist movements taken to the extreme. For instance, pan-Slavism was an expansion of Russian nationalism, aided by the national movements of other Slavic peoples. And German nationalism at its most extreme was not satisfied with the unification of Germany. The pan-German ideology saw itself as the clearest expression of German nationalism, and therefore saw the ethnic Germans living in other Eastern Europe countries as an integral part of the German people and the Third Reich.
Her key statement on this issue, which pervades her entire discussion of anti-Semitism, is that “modern anti-Semitism grew in proportion as traditional nationalism declined, and reached its climax at the exact moment when the European system of nation-states and its precarious balance of powers crashed.” It was in fact the rise of the modern nation-state, and the challenges it faced, that led to the sharp increase in anti-Semitism. Moreover, the rise of aggressive anti-Semitism in Eastern Europe is directly connected to the rise of nationalist movements and nation-states there. As nationalism thrived and achieved its political aims in Romania, Hungary, Poland and Lithuania, anti-Semitism increased when the nationalist movements had to confront the existence of a relatively large Jewish minority in their territories.
As Arendt would have it, there were no poor Jews living on the margins of European society, managing to live with difficulty and without political and civil rights; the Jews were all bankers, financiers, court Jews and privileged, or in her generalizing language: “The Jews had been purveyors in wars and the servants of kings.” Moreover, Arendt seems to be unaware of a major fallacy in her account of the Jews’ role in the rise of absolute monarchies and the modern nation-state: Several of these countries had few or no Jews living in them at the time of their emergence as modern nation-states. Spain, for one, had expelled most of them at the very time when Spanish absolute monarchy was being consolidated.
According to Arendt, “the Jews” always supported the governments in power in whichever country they were living, but the truth is that the number of Jews in the revolutionary, liberal and socialist movements was far greater than their representation in the overall population. “The Jews,” continues Arendt, were responsible for the hatred felt toward them because of their communal seclusion, their non-involvement in politics, their concern solely for themselves and their non-participation in social and class struggles.
But one can argue precisely the opposite, that it was the disproportionate prominence of Jews in politics — especially liberal and socialist politics — that gave rise to anti-Semitic criticism. Examples range from Karl Marx and Eduard Bernstein in Germany to Ferdinand Lassalle in France; Jews were also heavily involved in the Communist revolutions in Bavaria and Hungary after World War I, and clearly in the Soviet revolution. Indeed, this was one of the classic anti-Semitic canards of the 19th century and of the Nazis in the 20th.
Despite the above critique it is misguided at best to see Arendt as a person tainted by Jewish self-hatred as some scholars have declared in their review. To the contrary, she was a courageous analyzer and fighter against anti-Semitism and Totalitarianism. That’s why she wrote the book in the first place.
Considering all the Trojan Horses planted all over the EU as we speak and hiding those in waiting who’d love nothing more than to install a totalitarian system in their country and all over the world; furthermore, considering the ominous centrifugal forces at work in the EU threatening its unity, we’d do well to interpret Hannah Arendt’s thought as a Cassandra-like warning to us, and we’d be wise to heed it.
Mental health alert for 332 million children linked to COVID-19 lockdown policies
The UN Children’s Fund, UNICEF, says the mental health of millions of children worldwide has been put at risk, with at least one in seven forced to remain at home under nationwide public health orders – or recommendations – during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Based on new research, it said on Thursday that more than 330 million youngsters have been stuck at home for at least nine months, since the virus spread uncontrollably this time last year.
This has left them feeling isolated and anxious about their future, said UNICEF spokesperson James Elder: “Tens and tens of millions of youngsters have been left feeling isolated and afraid and lonely and anxious because of these enforced lockdowns and isolations that have become as a result of this pandemic.”
He said countries needed to emerge from this pandemic “with a better approach, a better approach to child and adolescent mental health, and that probably starts just by giving the issue the attention it deserves.”
Half of all mental disorders develop before the age of 15, according to UNICEF and the majority of the 800,000 people who die by suicide annually, are under 18s.
The UN agency also said that the pandemic has disrupted or halted critical mental health services in 93 per cent of countries worldwide.
UNICEF Executive Director, Henrietta Fore, said that when day after day “you are away from your friends and distant loved ones, and perhaps even stuck at home with an abuser, the impact is significant.
“Many children are left feeling afraid, lonely, anxious, and concerned for their future. We must emerge from this pandemic with a better approach to child and adolescent mental health, and that starts by giving the issue the attention it deserves.”
For children experiencing violence, neglect or abuse at home, lockdowns have left many stranded with abusers. Children in vulnerable population groups – like those living and working on the streets, children with disabilities, and children living in conflict settings – risk having their mental health needs overlooked entirely.
To respond to growing needs, the agency has offered support to Governments and partners to prioritize services for children.
In Kazakhstan, this has led to the launch of a UNICEF platform for individual online counselling services, alongside distance training in schools for mental health specialists.
In China, the agency has also worked with social media company Kuaishou, to produce an online challenge to help reduce anxiety in children.
Later this year, UNICEF will dedicate its biennial flagship report on the state of the world’s children, to child and adolescent mental health, in a bid to increase awareness of the global challenge, exacerbated profoundly by the coronavirus.
“If we did not fully appreciate the urgency prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, surely we do now”, said Ms. Fore.
Countries must dramatically invest in expanded mental health services and support for young people and their caregivers in communities and schools. We also need scaled-up parenting programmes to ensure that children from vulnerable families get the support and protection they need at home.”
The Only Wealth, There’s in Man
The famous quote of Jean Bodinprovide us with an important visualization about the human capital in developing countries, in order to achieve the millennium development goals.
However, these goals remain challenge that must be realized despite in this epidemiological crisis which created an economic and social threat around the world, it destroyed the pillars of human development such as: education, health and income, so the Index of Human Development has declined to 1,8%.
In fact, the Covid 19 pandemic has put developing countries in a state of emergency to confront this disaster, by strengthening the intangible resources of which human capital is a part.
This article aims to demonstrate the importance of human capital in development process relying on the experience of National Initiative for Human Development, as a pioneer reference that place people at the center of public policies.
The human capital: from conception to process
The concept of human capital is not newly. Yet, it was previously introduced by Adam Smithin his theory. The latter believes «human capital includes the set of skills and abilities that individuals acquired through family education, study and learning. This acquisition result in real expenses that correspond to fixed and integrated capital in the individual which capital is self part of his fortune as the society to which he belongs”.
Furthermore, Adam Smith’s theory was extensively reformulated by economist Gary Beckerin 1964, in his book entitled ‘’Human Capital’’, Becker placed humans at the center of economics and emphasized the important role of investment in human capital, he worked to show that human capital corresponds to all the productive capacities that an individual can acquire through the accumulation of general or specific knowledge and another forms of skills.
The idea raised by Becker reflects the thought of the Greek philosopher Aristotle’s who said : “any one can discover his talents and develop his potential, in the face of the danger of neglecting his humanity and that happiness comes through the realization of the potential of each one ”
These theories devoted to human capital have been developed over the past decades by many international researches and studies as World Bank and The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development reports.
According to the World Bank report, Human capital consists of the knowledge, skills, and health that people accumulate throughout their lives, allowing them to realize their potential as productive members of society.
The report point’s out three main components of human capital index as “survival, education, and health”. This indicator was recently created by the World Bank Group as part of the “ Human Capital Project”, so countries can use it as measure productivity for future generation based on what it would be like if this generation benefits from optimal education and health conditions.
In addition, HCI contains three main criteria: the infant mortality rate (rate of survival to age 5), the quality of education (number of school years and quality of education) and health (developmental delay in children and survival rates to adulthood). Otherwise, the combination of these criteria gives a value between 0 and 1, if the index approaches to 1, the country offers good education and health to its citizens, so thus its new generation become more productive, and if the HCI is 0.6, it means that the economic productivity of the younger generation will be 60% of what it could have achieved under optimal education and health conditions, so the country will lose 40% of the economic potential of this generation.
Therefore, without human capital, a nation cannot maintain sustainable economic growth, prepare its workforce for skilled jobs of future the possibility of competition in the globalized economy. Thus, this capital was considered as an interlunar factor of the country’s wealth. Knowing that total wealth consists mainly of intangible capital, add into to produced capital and natural capital.
Consequently, it appears that these human, natural and produced capitals constitute the basic elements of intangible capital. This capital resides in the interaction that takes place between the different types of assets, by adding the tangible assets “ produced capital ”, which are the result of human activity, financial assets, buildings, infrastructure, urban equipment and land, as well as natural assets“natural capital”, such as fossil fuels, minerals, agricultural land, cultivated land, pastures, forests, protected areas, materials raw materials, farmland, forests and protected areas, and human capital.
Moreover, in 1986 the concept of intangible capital appeared by the French specialist in niche markets “ Bruno Bizalion ”, this economist pointed out that the company’s capital also include intangible factors, and then he developed a method which evaluate this intangible potential.
Five years later, the Swedish organization theorist “Leif Edvinsson” used this term in his study of evolution of group management practices. This research was contacted in collaboration with American writer ‘Michæl Malone’, and published in 1997 when they learned about the company hidden wealth, either we say everything you use to create value which one cannot necessarily discover by reading its balance sheet (not all the values of the synergies of the organization are shown). Therefore, intangible capital is related to definition the difference between the real value of the market or the firm and book value.
For the World Bank, the concept of intangible capital is differs from its previous theories. it indicates that the wealth and geopolitical strength of a nation can be built not only with natural resources and built wealth, but also with its capacity for innovation, level of education of its citizens and social cohesion that reigns there.
In its report entitled “Where is the wealth of nations” the World Bank devised a new method of evaluating the wealth of nations, called intangible capital. This capital consists the sum of human capital (all the skills and knowledge available in a country), social capital (the ability of individuals to work together to achieve set goals) and institutional capital (the quality of legal, educational and health systems in place in a country).
As a result, human capital remains an essential element in this process of wealth accumulation and progress which determines earning capacity, and brooding employment horizons of individuals to evaluate the level of income and distribution in the community. Knowthat the development of human capital is not limited to the economic dimensions only, but take in consideration political, social and cultural elements.
The promotion of human capital: A development approach
The promotion of human capital has been a decisive importance in public policies for many developing countries, so there is no strategy or program initiated by the State, local authorities or private sector that mention it.
In this regard, since 1960, Morocco has developed various strategies and programs that fall within the framework of national programs to universal school education and fight illiteracy; social development strategy (SDS) in 1993 to improve social indicators such as education, health and priority equipment; drinking water supply program for the benefits of the rural populations (PAGER) in 1995; social priorities program (BAJ1 ) in 1996 focused on basic education, especially for girls, health care, and employment promotion; rural electrification program (PERG) in 1996; rural development (1997); special decentralized development program (2001).
Nevertheless, these programs and strategies did not succeeded in evolution the level of social indicators in various areas of development. Therefore, the country’s index of human development ranges in position 126.
To remedy this situation, the public authorities have proposed a new approach to struggle poverty and social exclusion in collaboration with the United Nations Development Program.
This approach give significant increase in the gains on consolidation of democracy in the area of freedom (protection of human rights, public freedoms, justice and gender equality) illustrated by social projects such as the educational reform with education as the second priority after territorial integrity, the entry into force of the Compulsory Health Insurance (AMO) and the measures taken to maintain the continuity of the main pension schemes, the social housing programs have mobilized additional resources, in particularly extra-budgetary, from outside the budget which witnessed new renewed mobilization of all actors involved in the unemployment problem, the national program to support the creation of a business by adapting training to the changing needs of the national productive system and managing the labor market.
In 2005, these realizations has supported with an innovative strategy named National Initiative for Human Development. This initiative aims to change the social work in the country by opening up a new horizon and an exceptional coherence centred on the development of human capacities.
For 15 years ago, this social project has permitted the realization of countless projects and actions of rising future generations as enhancing health and education services, improving income and economic inclusion of youth people, promoting entrepreneurship & employment, and supporting social & solidarity economy.
In this context, the National Initiative for Human Development has established an arsenal process at the national and territorial level in order to achieve these projects for benefits of society and citizens, to involve panoply of actors present in each territory to participate in the program process, through creation the local, provincial and regional committees which bring together the various stakeholders (local population, associations, regional authorities, experts, and representatives of ministerial departments …). These actors have contributed to implementing within framework of these programs and have taking into consideration issue of citizens’ standard of living at the local level.
These aforementioned mechanisms have been straightened approve of integrated approach to enhance human capital, to develop new structures named “youth platforms”, this space considered as forums for interaction between various programs adopted by different stakeholders in the public and private sectors which work for economic inclusion of youth people and rural women by listening, directing them to support and develop their personal skills so that they can bring their ideas and turn them into real projects that constitute sources of local intangible wealth.
In general, this participatory approach demonstrates the importance of human capital as source of wealth creation if it is properly valued.
So, the promotion of human capital has appeared essential in the recent epidemiological crisis, For that reason, the Moroccan development model must be based on expansion of capacities & freedoms as well as working to stimulate human possibilities & potentialities, taking into account the social and cultural heritage, customs, governance, new information and communication technologies.
To invest in human capital, it is important to promote a systematic foundation for long-term plan that respect the specifics of issues related to education and health, based on the following facts:
– Consolidation of citizenship and human rights (make it possible to release the capacities and potentials of citizens so that they can fully contribute to the achievement of development).
– The importance role of the civil society and its synergy in development process (because development cannot be envisaged without involving civil society).
– Awareness of proximity factor, made on the intangible resource of each territory in order to give an identity or an image for each “city”, each “village” and each “douar”, as taking into the national context in which we operate.
Eventually, the promotion of human capital is not just a goal that must be achieved but rather development approach conditioned on participation and inclusion of human being in this process as an actor regardless of his gender and age.
- Jean Bodin was a French jurist and political philosopher (1529 -1596).
- Adam Smith, is a Scottish econimist and philosopher (1723-1790).
- Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776.
- Daanoune Rachid and El arfaoui Marouane, ‘’ the concept of intangible capital: the ambiguity of a terminology, Journal of Academic Finance, Vol 9- N ° 1, Spring 2018.
- Gary Stanley Becker was an American economist who received the 1992 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences.
- G. S. Becker, Human Capital, A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, Columbia University Press for the National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1964.
- Leif Edvinson et Michæl Malone, Intellectual Capital : Realizing Your Company’s True Value by Finding Its Hidden Brainpower, Collins 1997.
- Michael Shawn Malone, Publisher, investor, businessman, author of numerous books on business and high technology such as “The Virtual Corporation”.
- Michel Vernières “the notion of human development” in institutions and development seminar, December 2004, p 2.
- Rapport mondial sur le développement humain, PNUD 2005.
- Resche, Catherine, 2007. «Human Capital : l’avers et le revers d’un texte métaphorique.», LSP and Professional Communication, 7-2 , 23-4.
- Sen Amartya,‘’ a new economic model: development, justice, freedom ’, 2nd edition, Odile Jacob, 2003, p 15.
- Stéphanie Fraisse-D’olimpio, ’the foundations of human capital theory’, SES-ENS, 2009.
- Stiglitz Joseph, Towards a new development paradigm, political economy, 5, 2000, p.5-3
- World Bank. 2005. Where is the Wealth of Nations? Measuring Capital for the 21st Century. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/7505
Laws Still Restrict Women’s Economic Opportunities Despite Progress
Countries are inching toward greater gender equality, but women around the world continue to face laws and regulations that restrict their economic opportunity, with the COVID-19 pandemic creating new challenges to their health, safety, and economic security, a new World Bank report says.
Reforms to remove obstacles to women’s economic inclusion have been slow in many regions and uneven within them, according to Women, Business and the Law 2021. On average, women have just three-quarters of the legal rights afforded to men. Women were already at a disadvantage before the pandemic, and government initiatives to buffer some of its effects, while innovative, have been limited in many countries, the report says.
“Women need to be fully included in economies in order to achieve better development outcomes,” said David Malpass, World Bank Group President. “Despite progress in many countries, there have been troubling reversals in a few, including restricting women’s travel without the permission of a male guardian. This pandemic has exacerbated existing inequalities that disadvantage girls and women, including barriers to attend school and maintain jobs. Women are also facing a rise in domestic violence and health and safety challenges. Women should have the same access to finance and the same rights to inheritance as men and must be at the center of our efforts toward an inclusive and resilient recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic.”
Women, Business and the Law 2021 measures the laws and regulations across 8 areas that affect women’s economic opportunities in 190 countries, covering the period from September 2019-October 2020. From the basics of movement in the community to the challenges of working, parenting, and retiring, the data offers objective and measurable benchmarks for global progress toward gender equality. Following the outbreak of the pandemic, this report also looks at government responses to the COVID-19 crisis and how the pandemic has impacted women at work and at home, focusing on childcare, access to justice, and health and safety.
Overall, the report finds that many governments have put in place measures to address some of the impacts of the pandemic on working women. For example, less than a quarter of all economies surveyed in the report legally guaranteed employed parents any time off for childcare before the pandemic. Since then, in light of school closures, nearly an additional 40 economies around the world have introduced leave or benefit policies to help parents with childcare. Even so, these measures are likely insufficient to address the challenges many working mothers already face, or the childcare crisis.
The pandemic has also contributed to a rise in both the severity and frequency of gender-based violence. Preliminary research shows that since early 2020, governments introduced about 120 new measures including hotlines, psychological assistance, and shelters to protect women from violence. Some governments also took steps to provide access to justice in several ways, including declaring family cases urgent during lockdown and allowing remote court proceedings for family matters. However, governments still have room to enact measures and policies aimed at addressing the root causes of this violence.
“While it is encouraging that many countries have proactively taken steps to help women navigate the pandemic, it’s clear that more work is needed, especially in improving parental leave and equalizing pay,” said Mari Pangestu, Managing Director of Development Policy and Partnerships, The World Bank. “Countries need to create a legal environment that enhances women’s economic inclusion, so that they can make the best choices for themselves and their families.”
Despite the pandemic, 27 economies in all regions and income groups enacted reforms across all areas and increased good practices in legislation in 45 cases during the year covered, the report found. The greatest number of reforms introduced or amended laws affecting pay and parenthood.
However, parenthood is also the area that leaves the most room for improvement globally. This includes paid parental leave, whether benefits are administered by the government, and whether the dismissal of pregnant women is prohibited. Reforms are also needed to address the restrictions women face in the type of jobs, tasks, and hours they can work, segregating them into lower paid jobs. And in 100 economies, laws do not mandate that men and women be paid the same for equally valued jobs.
Achieving legal gender equality requires a concerted effort by governments, civil society, and international organizations, among others. But legal and regulatory reforms can serve as an important catalyst to improve the lives of women as well as their families and communities. Better performance in the areas measured by Women, Business and the Law is associated with narrowing the gender gap in development outcomes, higher female labor force participation, lower vulnerable employment, and greater representation of women in national parliaments.
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