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International Law

Slavery is not dead: A View on Contemporary Human Exploitation

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When thinking about slavery, people have the tendency to view it as “past history” and many will probably argue that slavery was definitively abolished during the nineteenth century. However, even if slavery was formally abolished by almost all countries more than one century ago, the exploitation of human beings is more than a reality.

And it is a very sad reality, especially if we think that probably there are more individuals trafficked across borders today than in any other period in history. Even if it appears as something unthinkable for today’s society, slavery is present almost everywhere in the world. New forms of slavery have emerged as a by-product of globalisation.

The process of gradual prohibition of slavery at the international level started with the adoption by the League of Nations of two treaties addressing the trade of human beings. These treaties are the 1904 International Agreement for the Suppression of the White Slave Trade and the 1910 International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Trade. These two agreements were the fruit of an era of exploitation across the Atlantic and thus did not address slavery from a broad perspective, but focused mainly on the classic trans-oceanic slavery practice of the eighteenth and nineteenth century.

Later, new instruments were adopted encompassing new forms of exploitation. In 1949 the United Nations adopted the Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. This document was followed by a more authoritative international instrument addressing the issue, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children.

Slavery is also prohibited by the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights that states that: “No one shall be held in slavery or servitude: slavery and slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms”. However, despite official documents condemning and prohibiting it, slavery still exists and continues to plague our contemporary society affecting people of all races, cultural identity, age and gender.

Today’s forms of slavery

The 1956 UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery mentions various forms of exploitation that can be considered contemporary forms of slavery. The convention states that “debt bondage, serfdom, forced marriage and the delivery of a child for the exploitation of that child are all slavery-like practices and require criminalisation and abolishment”.

Following this definition and the ideas provided by other legal instruments, one can identify several slavery-like behaviours that plague contemporary society. These behaviours are: forced labour, bonded labour, descent-based slavery, trafficking, child slavery, early and forced marriage and sexual exploitation.Here is a short analysis of these new forms of slavery:

Forced labour occurs when people are forced to work with the use of violence and intimidation. The 1930 forced labour convention describes forces labour as “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily”.

Bonded labour occurs when people fall into debt and are forced to work unpaid to repay it. Rarely workers are able to repay their debt with their work and very often the debt is transmitted through generations.

Descent-based slavery occurs when the “slave status” is inherited by children from their parents or community.

Child slavery encompasses all forms of slavery that involve children. This kind of slavery usually includes forced labour for industries and agriculture, domestic work, forced begging and even exploitation as child soldiers or, in case of girls, as soldiers’ wives. According to an ILO estimate there are around 5.5 million children in slavery across the world. And UNICEF estimated that there are around 300.000 child soldiers in over 30 areas of conflict.

Early and forced marriage occurs when women are forced to marry against their will, generally when they are still little girls. Every year 15 million girls are married before the age of 18 often against their will and condemned to a life of servitude, deprivation and dependency on their husband. More than 30% of women living today were married before the age of 18.

Sexual exploitation generally targets women and is usually linked to trafficking.

Trafficking

The majority of people are exploited where they live but there is also a growing number of men, women and children who are traded internally or internationally. Trafficking is the contemporary form of the Atlantic Slave Trade of the eighteenth and nineteenth century.

Trafficking involves the trade of people from a country to another or from a region to another within the same country. People are induced to cross international borders to find a new or better job. Once the victims arrive, they are generally forced in bonded labour.

Trafficking is defined by article 3 of the Protocol as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”

Despite much more attention is dedicated to trafficking for sexual exploitation, there is also a high and growing number of trafficked people who end up in forced labour.

The majority of trafficked individuals come from Eastern Europe countries such as Albania, Belarus, Romania and Russia and from Asian countries such as China and Thailand. The most common destinations for traffickers are Asia, Western Europe, North America and the Middle East.

Once arrived at their destinations, slaves are exploited for sex or are forced to work unpaid mainly as domestic servants or construction workers and in some cases even as camel jockeys in the Middle East.

Traffickers usually offer poor people a loan at an exaggerated interest rate in order to cover travel and paper expenses and other logistic costs. Once arrived in the new country, there is no promised job and the victims become forced labourers since they are not able to repay their debt.

Today trafficking is organized by criminal gangs generally from Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America. One can distinguish three types of trafficking: trafficking for forced labour, trafficking for sexual exploitation, trafficking for human tissues and organs.

Trafficking is the world’s fast growing organized international crime. Around 80% of trafficked people are women and children. Anti-slavery International estimates that worldwide there are around 2.5 million people who have been trafficked and are being subjected to sexual or labour exploitation. However, since the illegal nature of trafficking, it is very difficult to estimate the exact number of victims and the percentage could be much higher.

Who are slaves?

According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) there are around 21 million individuals in the world who are subject to slavery. ILO estimate includes various forms of slavery except for trafficking for organs and forced marriage and adoption.

However, the number of today’s slaves rises if we consider the phenomenon from a broader perspective trying to include all forms of slavery-like practices. According to an index of the Australian Walk Free Foundation around 35.8 million people worldwide are enslaved. Approximately two-thirds of world slaves live in just 10 countries. India is the country with the highest number of slaves while Mauritania is the nation with the highest slavery rate per capita. Central and south-east Europe is the region with the highest percentage followed by Africa.

Women and children are the most vulnerable as far as concerns slavery. Womenand girls are the most exploited and build up 55% of all enslaved people while children build up a quarter of total exploited people. Slaves generally belong to the weaker groups of the society, minorities, migrants and socially excluded groups. In fact, exploitation is usually linked to social inequalities such as in the caste system in south Asia, a system rooted in traditional customs and beliefs and in social prejudice. Anti-slavery international has demonstrated that 80-98% of bounded labourers in South Asia are of Dalit origin or belong to indigenous groups.

Who profits?

Slavery is very profitable, especially trafficking. The cost of a slave is much less today than during the eighteenth and nineteenth century mainly due to cheaper transportation costs. According to a 2005 ILO estimate the profits of forced labour amount at around 44 billion dollars and forced labourers lose more than 21 billion dollars each year in unpaid wages and fees.

The UN global initiative to fight trafficking lists human trafficking as the third-largest criminal industry following drugs and weapons illegal commerce. It has been calculated that around 90% of the 21 million slaves estimated by ILO are exploited by individuals and corporations while the remaining 10% are forced labourers for the state, rebel militias or even exploited labourers in prisons during detention.

Toward a new approach

Developed countries have numerous instruments to contrast and reduce global slave trade and the exploitation of human beings. However, slavery does not seem to be a priority for governments and political leaders. This means that there is the capacity to effectively act but what generally lacks is the political will to take action.

Too often, it seems that leaders think that the goal of eliminating slavery has already been accomplished through the achievements and developments in the national and international legal systems. However, such important social and juridical achievements should not only remain in paper documents but should become a tangible reality. Monitoring mechanisms and sanctions are not enough effective and millions of people in the world continue to be denied their fundamental freedoms in a world that claims to be “enlightened” by human rights, equality and freedom.

Addressing the issue of slavery is not only a moral duty. It can also bring several benefits from the economic and political point of view such as the weakening of criminality in the global economy and the reduction of corruption since traffickers very often are supported by corrupt officials.

The developed world has lost several precious opportunities to elaborate effective solutions to the issue. For example, the European Union could have used accession talks to limit the issue of trafficking in human beings from Eastern Europe toward the West of the continent and now, it could still increase his efforts in this direction through new forms of cooperation in the field.

The industrial world continues to follow a short-sighted approach. This situation could undermine the foundations of globalisation and global economy. Thus, there is the need to adopt a new approach setting the fight against slavery among global political priorities and raising a new awareness of the issue.

The costs of slavery are rising in terms of increasing poverty and blocking development and too many are not even aware of what is happening behind the scenes.

Mahmudul Hasan is a recent LL.M. graduate of energy and environmental law and Thomas Buergenthal Fellow at The George Washington University Law School, Washington, D.C.

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International Law

Why International Institutions Survive: An Afterword to the G20 Summit

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Media Center G20 Indonesia/Prastyo Utomo/wsj/hd/22.

We, of course, are extremely critical of the very idea of global institutions and the prospects for their survival amid the emergence of a qualitatively new international order. Basic ideas about how such organisations appear and why they work, as well as the practical experience of the past decades, constantly demonstrate how unprepared such forms of interaction between states turn out to be to solve their most important hypothetical task — limiting selfish manifestations in the behaviour of their own creators. However, the institutions persist and, moreover, their number is increasing due to the formation of new specific regional platforms and global gatherings of powers, which is happening both formally and informally.

Just a few days ago, another G20 summit took place in Indonesia — a meeting of the 20 supposedly most developed powers. These economies first convened 13 years ago to discuss the fight against the global consequences of the financial crisis in Western countries. This association is not a formal international organisation, unlike the UN or the World Trade Organization, and does not have its own secretariat or specialised agencies. However, in its composition, the G20 has turned out to be one of the most promising institutional undertakings of the entire post-Cold War period.

The reason is that the G20, first, is quite objective in terms of participation criteria and, second, is completely non-democratic in terms of the formation of its membership. In the simplest terms, it was created by the leading powers of the West — the G7 countries — at a historical moment when they felt the need to make their decisions more legitimate, to gain a new way to influence growing economies, and, finally, share some of their own economic difficulties with the rest of the world not only in fact, but also organisationally.

Other countries of the world included in the G20 list compiled by the USA and Britain were glad to accept this invitation. First of all, because they saw an opportunity to limit the West’s monopoly on making the most important decisions, or, at least, to get new chances to reflect some of their interests there. Thus, both groups of participants made a very pragmatic choice amid circumstances where the West was still strong enough that no one could expect to survive without its consent.

The G20, as we can see, was created for special purposes in special circumstances, which, by the way, also applies to any international institution set up during the second half of the 20th and early 21st century. Even the United Nations (UN) was an intellectual creation of the United States and Britain, aimed to preserve and strengthen their influence on international affairs after the World War II. Another thing is that the UN still tried to live its own life, and now the presence of Russia and China in its “Areopagus”, i.e. among the permanent members of the Security Council, creates the appearance that the hypothetical pinnacle of world governance relatively adequately reflects the distribution of aggregate power capabilities. However, during the Cold War, as now, we see that all really important issues regarding war and peace are decided by the great powers among themselves.

As for the impact on the main processes in the world that emerged after the end of the Cold War, here it was the G20 that was considered a suitable palliative solution juxtaposed between the omnipotence of the West and the desire of the rest to get at least a part of the “pie” of the global distribution of goods. Moreover, 14 years ago, when the G20 began to meet, none of the major countries of the modern World Majority imagined a direct confrontation with the West and all sought to integrate into the globalisation led by it, even without a special revision of the rules and norms that existed there before. This fully applies to Russia, which quite sensibly assessed its strength. There were still five years left before the ambitious Xi Jingping came to power in China, when most observers considered the strengthening of Beijing’s economic and political proximity to be the most plausible scenario for Sino-American relations.

However, it was the financial crisis of 2008-2013 that turned out to be a turning point, from which everyone seemed to have realised that it is not necessary to count on the existing model of globalisation to solve the basic problems of development and economic growth. The cyclicality of economic development and the accumulated imbalances in trade, global finance and everything else made it clear that a return to sustainable growth in the US and Europe was unrealistic, and saving what had already been created would require a much tougher policy in relation to the distribution of benefits on a global scale. The emerging economies, of which China quickly took the lead, could expect a more sustainable position, but also doubted the West’s ability to act as a benevolent engine of the global economy. In other words, it was at the very moment when the G20 emerged as an institution that the leading states realised that it was no longer possible to save globalisation in its previous form, and economic shocks would very likely lead to violent geopolitical clashes.

Therefore, the extremely informal and, at the same time, representative G20 arose precisely as a mechanism for a “civilised divorce” of countries actively involved in globalisation on the eve of its inevitable crisis.

In this respect, it was indeed the pinnacle of the institutional approach to problem-solving that marked the entire 20th century. What follows should be either the formation of a new balance of power and the adaptation of institutions to it, or their complete disintegration with an unclear prospect for states going beyond bilateral agreements or relatively narrow regional associations and forums.

We see that the most successful multilateral projects of our time are either a continuation of those that have already taken place, like ASEAN or NATO, or completely new regional groupings with uncertain prospects and internal structures. The promising Shanghai Cooperation Organisation should be included among the latter. The latest SCO summit in Uzbekistan revealed that its participants were highly able to single out from the whole set of international problems of Eurasia and their own development issues those that make sense to discuss at the multilateral level. In addition, Sino-Russian leadership in the SCO leaves hope that other participating countries will be able to build their interests into the priorities and integrity limits of the two Eurasian giants. India only adds pluralism, allowing alternatives to the increasingly solidarity positions of Moscow and Beijing to be put forward.

However, the fact that the G20 is, in reality, a tool for the civilised dismantling of the existing order rather than their renewal does not mean its immediate death. After all, we already know examples where organisations created to “divorce” participants retain their vitality beyond solving the most important problems associated with this unpleasant process. The latest G20 summit was overshadowed by the desire of the Western countries, which, together with their satraps from the European Union institutions, make up the majority, to turn the political part of the meeting into a fight against Russia. However, at the same time, we saw that the Indonesian presidency used such intentions to increase its independence in world affairs and rejected all Western claims regarding Russian participation. In addition, an important personal meeting between the leaders of the United States and China took place on the sidelines of the summit, which allowed them to temporarily dispel the expectation of an inevitable clash, which seemed likely only three months ago.

Of course, we are far from thinking that China, India or other developing countries, not to mention Russia, see the G20 as a way to take global leadership away from the West. In Moscow, Beijing, New Delhi and other capitals, they know that those institutions that do not fully meet American interests are easily sacrificed to the current circumstances. However, first, such a radical US approach still has a chance to change under increasing pressure from outside and inside. Second, the G20 is still a platform that can survive as at least a club filled with contradictions, precisely amid the complete decline of formal global international institutions. And it looks like we won’t have to wait very long.

From our partner RIAC

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International Law

Cooperation in a Changing World: A Discussion on New Regionalism and Globalisation

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The two main trends that have shaped the World Economic Order are 1) multilateralism, which sets global rules for international trade without favouritism, and 2) new regionalism, which sets up several zones of regional free trade and cooperation that can apply development and economic growth more quickly and flexibly but have a limited geographic scope.

Hettne (1995) says that “new regionalism” is not a single policy but a set of policies that focus on economics or other factors. “Regionalism” refers to a complex change process involving state and non-state actors at the global, regional, and national levels. Since actors and processes interact at many different levels and their relative importance changes over time and space, it is impossible to say which level is the most important (Soderbaun, 2001).

This article highlights the discussions between the experts on regional cooperation and integration and the supporters of multilateralism and globalisation. The objective is not to extend arguments that can be endless due to rich literature, however, it is to show the major points of contention that can lead to more research and discussions.

Gilson (2002) and other scholars argue that regionalism divides the international system into different and separated competitive blocks, despite arguments to the contrary from authors and analysts like Hettne (1998, 2005), Beeson (2009), and Dent (2004). Regionalism, especially forms of closed regionalism, acts as an obstacle on the path to globalisation (Dent, 2008).

Authors in the first category argue that globalisation and regionalism are not mutually exclusive concepts. Their reasoning rests on the GATT-WTO conception of regionalism and regionalisation as integral to and predating globalisation. As of 2022, the WTO had informed about 356 Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) in force (and its predecessor, the GATT), while several others are thought to be in effect but have yet to be reported (see: WTO, 2022 database).

 Regional trade liberalisation and cooperation arrangements have been considered important intermediate measures, enabling nations to cope with the risks and opportunities of the global market and embrace new multilateral regulations (Katzenstein, 1997). The developing tensions between economic regionalism and economic multilateralism directly result from the mutually reinforcing nature of regionalism and globalisation. As seen with the end of the Uruguay Round, when integration into the EU prompted some member states to adopt the GATT deal, and with NAFTA’s significant impact on the liberalisation of investments, regional cooperation can be a good stepping stone to an accessible international economy. According to Summers (1991), regionalism affects the multilateral international trade system and will increasingly serve as a driving factor towards liberalisation. Summers contends that regional liberalisation is the best approach towards liberalisation and globalisation.

In contrast, the second category of experts’ places greater emphasis on the notion that discriminatory regional and sub-regional accords are a response to globalisation. As an example, Bhagwati (1993) argues that protectionism, mercantilism and other regionalism delay global liberalisation and threaten the multilateral trading system. Bergsten (1997) says that the European Monetary Union (EMU) shows how it sets priorities that differ from those of the world. Furthermore, regional blocs can contribute to geo-economics conflicts, which may have political implications.

Three key issues are raised by those who want complete dependence on the multilateral approach (Bhagwati and Panagariya, 1996):

  1. Trade is diverted by regional cooperation.
  2. The distraction of attention.
  3. The geopolitical consequences of regionalism.

 First, they point out that trade is diverted by regional cooperation that provides members favourable treatment over non-members. Members may also profit from favourable policies and regulations for restricted content in addition to differential tariffs. According to opponents, the disadvantage of regional liberalisation can be more than overcome by the impact of preferences, resulting in a diversion of the trade balance.

Also, they are worried that transferring tariff revenues under a preferential arrangement could hurt the way one member’s income is split. The distraction of attention is the second point raised by critics. They say that if countries get involved in regional projects, they might lose interest in the multilateral system, which could stop its growth and possibly make it less effective.

The United States’ rapid change in trade policy since the early 1980s has drawn particular attention. The international system had previously received top attention from the United States. It declined to take part in regional economic integration. The main reasons the U.S. agreed to the creation and growth of European integration were political and security issues. The U.S. wanted to keep Europe safe and out of war.

The geopolitical consequences of regionalism are the third issue. Regional trade agreements (and economic groupings more generally) may have caused political and even military conflicts between governments in former times. While modern regionalist critics do not expect such severe results, analysts are concerned that close and intense regional links may cause aggravations and even conflicts that extend beyond economics to more generalised domains of global affairs.

Regionalism proponents hold opposing viewpoints on each of these topics (Bergsten, 1996). First, they contend that regional agreements advance free trade and multilateralism in at least two ways: first, that trade expansion has typically surpassed trade contraction, and second, that regional agreements support both domestic and global dynamics that increase rather than diminish the likelihood of global liberalisation. For developing nations, the internal dynamic is particularly crucial since regional agreements, which can be negotiated considerably more quickly than global accords, lock in domestic reforms against the possibility that succeeding governments will attempt to reverse them. Internationally, regional agreements frequently set the stage for liberalisation concepts that can then be broadly applied in the multilateral system.

Second, regionalism critics pointed out that it frequently has considerable, verifiable impacts. Regional integration will likely lead to further multilateral initiatives when officials, governments, and nations adapt to the liberalisation process.

Third, proponents of regionalism argue that it has had more positive than negative political consequences. Because of trade and closer economic cooperation, a new war between Germany and France was almost unthinkable in the European Union. Argentina and Brazil have used it to end their long-running rivalry, which has recently taken on nuclear implications.

APEC’s primary objectives include establishing the United States as a stabilising power in Asia and creating institutional ties between nations that were once adversaries, like Japan, China, and the rest of East Asia. Therefore, the potential of carrying up peace through cooperation is greater than the likelihood of generating conflicts.

Defenders of regionalism point out that regional agreements are permitted explicitly by Article 24 of the GATT and, more recently, the WTO, recognising their consistency with the global trading system. Three requirements must be met for these agreements to be effective:

  1. They must substantially encompass all trade between member nations;
  2. They must not erect new barriers for outsiders;
  3. They must accomplish free trade among members by a specific date (usually to be at most ten years from the starting date).

Although it is generally acknowledged that the most significant regional agreements (the EU and NAFTA) have fully or largely met these criteria, the GATT and WTO have been largely ineffective in certifying and overseeing their implementation. Because of this, the important regions have had many reasons to say that they work well with the multilateral system.

In conclusion, regionalism and globalism are linked, but only if the major countries involved in the process manage it well. History shows they can succeed if they try to improve things for both sides. The outcome in former eras shows that this is also reasonably achievable if they desire to pursue one at the expense of the other. The process’s inherent dynamics are sufficiently balanced for the participants’ policy choices to be decisive.

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International Law

Institution’s evolution

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As the human civilization is evolving, the institutions that were once very relevant and inevitable have been becoming archaic and irrelevant and alarmingly becoming deleterious if remain enacted and rigid. Standing mass armies is one of such institutions, which is losing its relevance that it once earned through conscription of human resource and extraction natural resources. With the emergence of democracy coupled with the dilution of borders by globalization, the armies have lost their stage and much eulogized roles as the defender, protector and invaders. The yardstick to measure the strength of any nation was their military’s might which has now been replaced with other well established indicators.

To shed light upon how and why the role of armies has been dwindled, we have to dive into the modern historical account of the events and reasons that once made the army inevitable and much desirable. As the raison d’etat for establishing the armies and galvanizing their influence   was to acquire the large swaths of land and the quantifiable amount of people to propel the engine of their state machine. Resultantly, the expanded territories were in dire need to be regulated and protected with the iron fist rule, which could not be done without strengthening armies.

Now the hitherto said aspirations have become obsolete and less desirable due to changing dimensions of a society as a whole thereby the military too. To give credence to these assertions it is adequate to allude towards the decline in the tendency of ragging the territorial acquisition wars specifically in the post peace era. Now there is no incentive to acquire the large latifundia or the large amount of people to be slave them as farm workers or to conscript them into armies.

As per the report of the freedom house, there were scant sixty-nine electoral democracies in 1990; today there are more than one hundred and fifteen electrical democracies, which are more than sixty percent. In recently emerged democracies, resultantly, the transition from the centrally planned economies to the economic liberalization spawned the era of entrepreneurship and innovation. Now these budding democracies have recently embarked on the journey towards more opportunities and rising incomes that remained chimera twenty years ago. To bolster this claim, the human security report is enough as it claims that state-based arm conflict has ebbed by 40 percent and which is waning the propensity of countries to wage a full-scale war.

Furthermore, well-established democratic peace theory hits the last nail in the coffin of the aspirations to reinvigorate the military might. The increasing number of democracies are less likely to wage a war with another democratic country, which in result declines the chances of war.

As initially claimed, the ab initio reasons of having standing armies have squarely been replaced; it comes naturally in mind what have replaced them. In a complex and entangled world woven with the fabric of trade, ideas, and innovations, the war-philic countries are the least fit for survival in the Darwinian sense. The countries who are doing wonders in the spheres of economy ideas, innovations inter alia services are less prone to war and aggression.

Many but naming few as the innovation, ideas, trade, and entrepreneurial tendencies have substituted the reasons, which once made the armies relevant and inevitable. Sweden, Norway, UK at the top of global innovation index 2021 and the countries deprived of bloated, mighty, and behemoth militaries, which are also circumscribed in the limited territories, are at the peak of ideas, prosperity, and innovation as compared to those who are bestowed upon with unassailable armies.

Ostensibly, after taking into account the recent shift in the reason of having large standing armies, it is now necessary to discuss about the nature of the future warfare which poses the threats, but here too while dealing with them make everyone wary of the institution of armies and militaries which are too rigid to abreast with the current dynamic nature of warfare, resultantly, they have to bear the brunt of their rigidity everywhere.

Therefore, the Character of the future warfare is dramatically changing which incorporates the novel means to materialize the desired and often mischievous aspirations. In this regard, hybrid warfare is one emerging character, which includes a diverse variety of activities and instruments to destabilize the society, which surely would be desirable for its user. These instruments are like interfering in the electoral processes in which the adversaries can influence the outcome of the electoral processes in the direction, which benefit the adversaries’ political aspirations – Putin’s interference in Trump’s election campaign and Cambridge analytica.

Other instruments are disinformation and false news, Cyber-attacks, and financial influence. Which all of them have already been employing in different dimensions and scales. In this domain, Russia is employing all of these instruments with great dexterity. To better deal with such recent emerging means and tools, it has become a need of hour to introduce the more integrated and sophisticated ways to deal with hybrid warfare and to replace the rigid, archaic and obsolete militarily solutions. In doing so, fostering democracy, inclusion of civil society investment in media literacy are few but viable solutions.

Succinctly, the justifications for raising the large armies, which were to expand the territories, to slave the people or to protect the volatile boundaries, have recently been replaced or become obsolete and irrelevant. Therefore, this institution should be abreast its pace with the dynamic and changing character of the threats posing the great dangers. Moreover, the gauge to quantify the power of any country has resultantly been changed from the strength of armies to the innovation, ideas, entrepreneurial spirit, trade, and socio economic and socio political stability. Contemporarily, it has become futile to strengthen and increase the sizes of armies, which have already lost their relevance, conversely, the changing Character of warfare or better known as hybrid warfare, demands more.

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