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Some Reflections on the EU’s Centrifugal Forces

Emanuel L. Paparella, Ph.D.

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There exist nowadays much confusion and consternation on the diagnosis and prognosis of the causes for the centrifugal forces presently afflicting the European Union.

A dialogue is urgently needed among Europeans of all nationalities and ethnic backgrounds, for unless we solve our problems amicably and democratically, with reason and common sense, we will have to resolve them the hard way, with conflict and strife and destructive ad hominem attacks on each other and the centrifugal political forces presently at work will eventually overcome the union forged with so much effort and good will by the founding fathers of the European Union.

If one were to survey the most frequently mentioned flaws, here are the most frequently mentioned elements of this critique: being in just for the money, or the power, “naturally promoting one’s interests first,” as a EU citizen living in Ireland enunciated recently, to wit Germany, (that adjective “naturally” is instructive…as if saying with Ayn Rand that selfishness is a natural state of affairs in any polity…), desire to dominate by the more prosperous member countries, especially Germany once again, the promotion of fortress Europe that keeps the undesirables out, ultra-nationalism, xenophobia, nostalgia for strong men who bring back law and order, resistance to change, especially globalization, resistance to the sharing of resources, equality, adaptation, and so on.

What comes through is a rather bleak and desperate scenario: a EU at war with itself, wallowing in disunity, where the center does not hold very well, a Machiavellian political entity whose highest considerations seem to be mere geo-political or economic realities, and of course, the chimera of endless prosperity and well-being that appear to be disappearing for the majority of people in the EU, never mind half of the world’s population living in dire poverty. This is a far cry, to be sure, from the vision of the EU promoted by its founding fathers.

The question arises: is this diagnosis by itself enough to bring about a solution, what the US Constitution calls “a more perfect union”? Are there lessons from previous history (previous to the union called the EU) that can be learned? For example, the example of Italian national unification. Are the elements in such a diagnosis sufficient in themselves or is a painful prognosis also needed? The original ideals of a united Europe are usually hinted at but nowhere spelled out or enthusiastically mentioned in the above mentioned critique. Actually they are clearly announced in the original foundational documents of the EU read and reflected upon by precious few EU citizens. But despite this deficiency, usually more globalization is recommended as an ultimate solution to the problem. Globalization is what Europeans are called to adapt and conform to. But what is the brutal reality of globalization? Globalization, on both sides of the Atlantic, has brought about more income inequality and economic stagnation, for the last thirty years or so for most of the middle working class, beginning with Reagan and Thatcher who, in the name of patriotism, began the advocacy of the interests of the rich and powerful, those who have grabbed the lion’s share of the wealth accumulated in the last thirty years of what many economists call “a savage kind of cut-throat capitalism.” That middle class is presently very frustrated and discontented, but then populism as a reaction is usually condemned and found undesirable, never mind that most of us would probably concur that populism, fascism, nationalism and xenophobia are the ugly reactions to blatant economic injustice, to wit the rise of a Trump in America or a Le Pen in the EU.

So what might a more cogent solution possibly be for a dire situation as analyzed in the above mentioned critique sans the prognosis? A modest proposal: how about exploring the genuine cultural identity of the continent? What is it, pray, that makes us all Europeans beyond, power plays, prosperity, geo-political considerations, ethnic-national loyalties, soccer games, reality- shows and circuses galore? what is that something that may blessedly allow for the center to hold? To be sure, there are brilliant answers to this query; one that jumps to mind is Christopher Dawson’s The Making of Europe, which I dare say, precious few Europeans with any level of education and culture have read and pondered. And there are many others that could be mentioned. Perhaps two books of mine worth mentioning here are: A New Europe in Search of its Soul: essays on the EU’s Cultural Identity and the Transatlantic Dialogue (Author House, Bloomington, Indiana, 2005), and Europe: an Idea and a Journey (Xlibris, Bloomington, Indiana, 2012).

I remain convinced that once we know what that cultural glue may be and debate it thoroughly, it may perhaps keep us together, or at the very least take us on the right road to “a more perfect union,” and we may perhaps hope to overcome the powerful centrifugal forces at play, as we speak. Analysis is fine, but it is only a first step to a correct prognosis which is essential to restore health and sanity. Any doctor will confirm this. As I said, this is intended as a modest proposal, perhaps a mere speaking in the wind in the desolate intellectual desert of the brave new world of global realities in which we live and have our being. Frankly, even after years of speaking into the wind in the pages of Ovi magazine, hoping for a budding dialogue on this issue, with few precious responses or even negative responses, what I, with Ignazio Silone, call “the conspiracy of hope” is not dead, for indeed loss of hope and despair would be the equivalent to death itself.

For evil to triumph in the world, all that is needed is for good men to simply observe and then keep their mouth shut refusing to dialogue and even argue on the issue of cultural identity pretending that all is well with the world. Eventually, they may find out, when the calamity hits closer at home, that all is not so well with the world, albeit it may be well with them personally at the moment.

The wiser route, I would strongly suggest, is to work for a better more just and humane world for everybody concerned, and that literally means everybody. The rich and privileged living in a comfortable self-created delusional bubble at the moment, may sooner than later find out, once that bubble bursts, that the world they have created has become uncomfortable for them too.  

Professor Paparella has earned a Ph.D. in Italian Humanism, with a dissertation on the philosopher of history Giambattista Vico, from Yale University. He is a scholar interested in current relevant philosophical, political and cultural issues; the author of numerous essays and books on the EU cultural identity among which A New Europe in search of its Soul, and Europa: An Idea and a Journey. Presently he teaches philosophy and humanities at Barry University, Miami, Florida. He is a prolific writer and has written hundreds of essays for both traditional academic and on-line magazines among which Metanexus and Ovi. One of his current works in progress is a book dealing with the issue of cultural identity within the phenomenon of “the neo-immigrant” exhibited by an international global economy strong on positivism and utilitarianism and weak on humanism and ideals.

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Europe

Time to Tackle the Stigma Behind Wartime Rape

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Images: UN Women Kosovo

The youngest capital city in Europe, Pristina, is the ultimate hybrid of old and new: Ottoman-era architecture stands amongst communist paraphernalia, while Kosovars who lived through the bloodshed of the 20th century share family dinners with a generation of young people with their sights set on EU accession.

This month, the capital’s Kosovo Museum welcomed a new force for change; Colours of Our Soul, an exhibition of artwork from women who survived the sexual violence of the Yugoslav Wars, showcases the world as these women “wished it to be.”

Colours of Our Soul isn’t the first art installation to shine a light on the brutal sexual violence thousands of Kosovar victims suffered throughout the turmoil of the conflict which raged from 1988 to 1999. In 2015, Kosovo-born conceptual artist Alketa Xhafa-Mripa transformed a local football pitch into a giant installation, draping 5,000 dresses over washing lines to commemorate survivors of sexual violence whose voices otherwise tend to go unheard. “I started questioning the silence, how we could not hear their voices during and after the war and thought about how to portray the women in contemporary art,” said Xhafa-Mripa at the time.

Victims, and their children, pressed into silence

The silence Xhafa-Mripa speaks of is the very real social stigma faced by survivors of sexual violence in the wake of brutal conflict. “I would go to communities, but everyone would say, ‘Nobody was raped here – why are you talking about it?’”, remarked Feride Rushiti, founder of the Kosovo Rehabilitation Centre for Torture Victims (KRCT).

Today, KRCT has more than 400 clients— barely a scratch on the surface given that rape was used in Kosovo as an “instrument of war” as recently as two decades ago. Some 20,000 women and girls are thought to have been assaulted during the bloody conflict; the fact that the artists whose work is featured in the Colours of our Soul exhibition did not sign their work or openly attend the installation’s grand opening is a sign of how pervasive the stigma is which haunts Kosovar society to this day.

As acute as this stigma is for the women who were assaulted, it is far worse for the children born from rape, who have thus far been excluded from reparation measures and instead dismissed as “the enemy’s children.” In 2014, the Kosovar parliament passed a law recognising the victim status of survivors, entitling them to a pension of up to 220 euros per month. Their children, however, many of whom were murdered or abandoned in the face of community pressure, are barely acknowledged in Kosovar society and have become a generation of young adults who have inherited the bulk of their country’s dark burden.

A global problem

It’s a brutal stigma which affects children born of wartime rape all over the world. The Lai Dai Han, born to Vietnamese mothers raped by South Korean soldiers, have struggled for years to find acceptance in the face of a society that views them as dirty reminders of a war it would rather forget. The South Korean government has yet to heed any calls for formal recognition of sexual violence at the hands of Korean troops, let alone issue a public— and long-awaited— apology to the Lai Dai Han or their mothers.

In many cases, as in the case of Bangladesh’s struggle for independence, the very existence of children born from rape has often been used as a brutal weapon by government forces and militants alike. Official estimates indicate that a mammoth 200,000 to 400,000 women were raped by the Pakistani military and the supporting Bihari, Bengali Razakar and al-Badr militias in the early 1970s. The children fathered, at gunpoint, by Pakistani men were intended to help eliminate Bengali nationhood.

Their surviving mothers are now known as “Birangana”, or “brave female soldier,” though the accolade means little in the face of a lifetime of ostracization and alienation. “I was married when the soldiers took me to their tents to rape me for several days and would drop me back home. This happened several times,” one so-called Birangana explained, “So, my husband left me with my son and we just managed to exist.”

No end in sight

Unfortunately, this barbaric tactic of rape and forced impregnation is one that is still being used in genocides to this day. The subjugation of the Rohingya people, for example, which culminated in a murderous crackdown last year by Myanmar’s military, means an estimated 48,000 women will give birth in refugee camps this year alone. Barring a major societal shift, the children they bear will suffer ostracization similar to that seen in Kosovo, Vietnam and Bangladesh.

Initiatives like the Colours of Our Soul installation in Pristina are not only central in helping wartime rape survivors to heal, but also play a vital role in cutting through the destructive stigma for violated women and their children. Even so, if the number of women who submitted their paintings anonymously is anything to go by, true rehabilitation is a long way ahead.

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EU–South Africa Summit: Strengthening the strategic partnership

MD Staff

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At the 7th European Union–South Africa Summit held in Brussels Leaders agreed on a number of steps to reinforce bilateral and regional relations, focusing on the implementation of the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership. This includes economic and trade cooperation and pursuing the improvement of business climate and opportunities for investment and job creation which are of mutual interest.

Leaders also discussed common global challenges, such as climate change, migration, human rights, committing to pursue close cooperation both at bilateral level and on the global stage. A number of foreign and security policy issues, including building and consolidating peace, security and democracy in the African continent and at multilateral level were also raised. Leaders finally committed to work towards a prompt resolution of trade impediments affecting smooth trade flows.

Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission and Donald Tusk, President of the European Council, represented the European Union at the Summit. South Africa was represented by its President, Cyril Ramaphosa. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission, Federica Mogherini, Vice-President for Jobs, Growth, Investment and Competitiveness Jyrki Katainen and Commissioner for trade Cecilia Malmström also participated, alongside several Ministers from South Africa.

President Juncker said: “The European Union, for the South African nation, is a very important trade partner. We are convinced that as a result of today’s meeting we will find a common understanding on the open trade issues. South Africa and Africa are very important partners for the European Union when it comes to climate change, when it comes to multilateralism. It is in the interest of the two parties – South Africa and the European Union – to invest more. It will be done.” A Joint Summit Statement issued by the Leaders outlines amongst others commitment to:

Advance multilateralism and rules based governance

Leaders recommitted to work together to support multilateralism, democracy and the rules-based global order, in particular at the United Nations and global trade fora. South Africa’s upcoming term as an elected member of the United Nations Security Council in 2019-2020 was recognised as an opportunity to enhance cooperation on peace and security. As part of their commitment to stronger global governance, Leaders stressed their support to the process of UN reform, including efforts on the comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council and the revitalisation of the work of the General Assembly. Leaders reiterated their determination to promote free, fair and inclusive trade and the rules-based multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organisation at its core and serving the interest of all its Members.

Bilateral cooperation

Leaders agreed to step up collaboration in key areas such as climate change, natural resources, science and technology, research and innovation, employment, education and training including digital skills, health, energy, macro-economic policies, human rights and peace and security. The EU and South Africa will, amongst others, explore the opportunities provided by the External Investment Plan. Linked to this, Leaders committed to exploring opportunities for investment, technical assistance including project preparation, and the improvement of business and investment climates to promote sustainable development. Leaders welcomed the conclusion and provisional implementation in 2016 of the EU-Southern African Development Community (SADC) – Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA).

Leaders also committed to find mutually acceptable solutions to impediments to trade in agriculture, agri-food and manufactured goods. They agreed to work towards a prompt resolution of these impediments.

Regional cooperation

Leaders welcomed the new Africa-Europe Alliance for Sustainable Investment and Jobs put forward by the European Commission. They exchanged views on foreign and security policy issues, addressed a number of pressing situations in the neighbourhoods of both the EU and South Africa, and welcomed each other’s contribution to fostering peace and security in their respective regions. Leaders agreed to explore opportunities to enhance cooperation on peace and security, conflict prevention and mediation.

Leaders confirmed common resolve to reform the future relationship between the EU and the countries of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States. To this end they are looking forward to the successful conclusion of negotiations for a post-Cotonou Partnership Agreement, that will contribute to attaining the goals of both the United Nations 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development and the long-term vision for African continent – Agenda 2063.

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Macron so far has augmented French isolation

Mohammad Ghaderi

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French President Emmanuel Macron has recently criticized the unilateral pullout of the US from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) but at the same time expressed pleasure that Washington has allowed France and the other JCPOA signatories to stay in the Iran nuclear deal.

In an exclusive interview with the CNN, Macron said that he has “a very direct relationship” with Trump. “Trump is a person who has tried to fulfill his electoral promises, as I also try to fulfill my promises, and I respect the action that Trump made in this regard. But I think we can follow things better, due to our personal relationship and talks. For instance, Trump has decided to withdraw from the Iran pact, but at the end, he showed respect for the signatories’ decision to remain in the JCPOA.”

There are some key points in Macron’s remarks:

First, in 2017, the French were the first of the European signatories to try to change the JCPOA. They tried to force Iran to accept the following conditions: Inspection of military sites, application of the overtime limitation on nuclear activities, limiting regional activities, including missile capabilities within the framework of the JCPOA.

Macron had already made commitments to President Trump and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to push Iran to accept the additional protocols to the deal, and he pushed to make it happen before Trump left the JCPOA.

Second, after the US withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, although France expressed regret, they had secret negotiations with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo over the JCPOA.

The result of the undisclosed talks was deliberate delay on the part of the European authorities in providing a final package to keep the Iran deal alive. In other words, after the US unilaterally left the JCPOA, the French have been sloppy and maybe somewhat insincere about making the practical moves to ensure it would be saved.

Third, France has emphasized the need to strengthen their multilateralism in the international system and has become one of the pieces of the puzzle that completes the strategic posture of the Trump Administration in the West Asia region.

Obviously, French double standards have irritated European politicians, many of whom have disagreed with the contradictory games of French authorities towards the US and issues of multilateralism in the international community. Also, France’s isolation and its strategic leverage in the political arena has grown since the days of Sarkozy and Hollande. Some analysts thought that Macron and fresh policies would stop this trend, but it has not occurred.

First published in our partner MNA

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