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Assessing Russia’s Relationship With Africa

Kester Kenn Klomegah

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Over the past two decades, Russia’s efforts to regain its Soviet-era influence in Africa have achieved little success because “times have changed significantly, for example, a new economic and political environment, new emerging challenges, new competitive conditions and new bases for cooperation,” according to Nataliya Zaiser, a Public Policy Advisor at Squire Patton Boggs Moscow office covering Russia, the Eurasian Union and Africa, and also the Chair (Head) of the Africa Business Initiative.

Since March 2016, Zaiser has been the Chair (Head) of Africa Business Initiative (ABI), created with the support of Russian businesses as a platform for the humanitarian, economic and legal expertise, aimed at strengthening relations between Russia and Africa. The main goal of this organization – to unite the efforts in promoting and supporting the interests of Russian businesses within the framework of broader international cooperation on the territory of the African continent.

In this exclusive interview, Nataliya Zaiser explains some of the aspects of the current Russia-African relations, problems and challenges, and its future perspectives.

As one of the participants at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) held from June 16 to 18, what were some of the significant questions raised during the Roundtable discussions on Russia and Africa?

The round table was very interesting. Both sides (Russian and African) demonstrated a strong desire for cooperation. We talked about some specifics: about the main economic sectors that various African countries are interested in most; about business diversification away from a focus on mining and oil and gas towards infrastructure projects, telecommunications and biotechnologies.

We spoke on the need to encourage the participation of small and medium size businesses in Africa; on bilateral cooperation; on the importance of the legal aspects of all these and on improving the system of legal regulation of projects, from customs and tax matters to the export licenses. The panelists also touched on enhancing cooperation with Africa in the global fight against drugs and epidemiological diseases, and combating terrorism. We listened to the companies that are active and successful on the continent; they shared some of their experiences, particularly good practice in building business relationships.

Why Russia’s efforts to regain its economic influence have achieved little success, why soft power is softer than Soviet days?

We should not say whether the power is “softer” or “harder” than in the days of the Soviet Union. It’s just different. Times have changed significantly. New economic and political environment, new challenges, new competitive conditions, new bases for cooperation. People are different, minds are different, technologies are different. In all that, we have to find absolutely different approaches and strategies to building business relationships. What remains the same is a will, a very loyal mutual attitude between Russia and African countries and strong desire to push forward these mutual efforts.

In your expert view, looking at Russia’s economic power, its global status and as a staunch member of BRICS bloc, how would you assess its current investment and business engagement with Africa?

Many organizations are trying to solve local problems and find ways for business cooperation with the African continent. The issue of investment looms, perhaps, particularly large. I think that in cooperating with African states, organizations can be guided by an approach of shared responsibility, including the financial aspects. Russia is clearly showing that open partnership with and support of Africa remains a priority. In the current conditions, it will seek ways of co-financing, co-investment and co-partnership. There may also be opportunities too for international partnerships, whether BRICS or any other groupings, formal or otherwise, on African projects.

Some policy experts have attributed Russia’s economic policy setbacks to the lack of a system of projects and business financing. For instance, China has set up China Africa Development Fund as one major source of support and implementing its projects in Africa. What are your views about this?

Russia has developed a number of business councils for cooperation both with individual African countries as well as with its own regions and neighbours. For Africa in particular, the Africa Business Initiative (ABI) offers the chance of a consolidated approach, and an independent organization that can work with the business community in Russia and at the same time combine the interests of the diplomatic community, the state, academic views and so forth.

At this stage when Russia is feverishly struggling to raise its economic profile through dialogues and consultations at the state level, do you suggest that Russia’s financial institutions, especially the banks, get involved in financing corporate projects on the continent?

Investors and lenders today understand the potential benefits of investing in emerging markets like African countries. They also understand the critical importance of addressing the political and economic risks that may accompany an investment in such markets. This is the work, which needs to be carried out. MIGA (Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency) is one of the biggest international organizations, for example, that helps investors and lenders to deal with such risks by insuring eligible projects against losses.

In Russia, there is EXIAR (The Russian Agency for Export Credit and Investment Insurance) which was established in late 2011 as Russia’s first ever export credit agency. I am sure it has big potential and expect that they will look closely at African projects to support Russian business and guarantee the insurance and safety of their investments. In any case, for a start, it is important that Russia becomes a member or starts cooperation with key major African organizations, such as the African Development Bank, the African Union, the NEPAD, etc. That will significantly extend the boundaries for Russian-African business opportunities.

We have been talking about economic diplomacy between Russia and Africa. And it’s also important to look at the relations as a two-way road. Could you please explain the possible reasons why Africa business is extremely low or completely absent, compared to Asian countries, in the Russian Federation?

This is a good question that I want to address to you as the representative of the African diaspora (smiles). Of course, this is a bilateral cooperation. Russia is open. Africa has much to offer Russia, which is a large country and has excellent prospects in the regions, many of which are developing very rapidly and are ready to accept new partnerships, and discuss forms of cooperation. Moreover, Russian regions are facing similar problems with several African countries: the development of the agricultural sector, technological investment and progress which will support a rise in the standard of living of the population. There is a good case for creating a specific program (a roadmap if you will) for cooperation between African countries and the Russian regions.

As an expert with the reputable U.S. law firm, what would you say about the prospects of Eurasian Economic Community (Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan). Explain further what African countries can make out of this economic bloc.

There’s often a compelling case for neighbouring countries to get together and engage in some kind of union because it can facilitate and stimulate trade relations, reducing barriers without overloading them with tax and customs issues, bureaucratic procedures and other things that may mitigate mutual economic progress. I am sure Africa will take an active part in working with the Eurasian Union as with other international or supra-national organizations and alliances because this kind of cooperation opens the gates to wider initiatives.

Of course, as a global firm our trade practice in particular is a leading advisor on international economic and commercial initiatives – the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and Trans-Pacific Partnership are two obvious ones that spring to mind. Squire Patton Boggs works globally, with a powerful geographic reach of 46 offices in 21 countries. We advise clients on a wide range of legal and public policy matters.

As for Africa, by the way, we have a dedicated Africa Practice inside the firm which involves numerous specialist teams and industry groups and individual lawyers and public policy advisors who actively work with clients across the continent. With an understanding of key legal, economic and political issues that surround doing business in Africa we have established ourselves as a premier firm for Africa-based transactions offering in-depth market knowledge, extensive experience and unique transactional and public policy combination that helps companies to achieve their African business strategies.

Finally, tell us more about the newly created Africa Business Initiative (ABI), why it has become necessary at this time, its primary roles or tasks and its overall future plans?

The Africa Business Initiative (ABI) was launched and initiated primarily by businesses in Russia. The concept behind this is to develop a focal point for the promotion of business interests which would consolidate the efforts of existing structures: the diplomats, scientists, academics, consultants and so on. The key participation of Russia’s Institute for African Studies, as a serious platform for research, analysis and database, means that we can add significant insight to the actual experience of corporations that are successfully working on the ground.

The main goal is to create a pool of economic expertise aimed at revitalizing the “chemistry” in African-Russian business relationships. It has been widely acknowledged many times that Africa is on the path towards economic prosperity. The economies of many African states are becoming more balanced and there have been a lot of institutional transformations. We need to fundamentally accelerate the approach, backed by a program of long-term trade, geo-economic relations and strategy that would keep pace with the ambitions of individual states. What African continent needs now is the broad development of infrastructure, agriculture, consumer goods, health care and information technology.

The Africa Business Initiative (ABI) can help outline an approach for Russian companies to come to the African market as a whole, as reliable business partners. Through this framework, it will be able to consolidate the interests of companies in different sectors; to address and promote the development of a common position on a whole range of issues; to establish joint strategic initiatives and to expand its presence in the investment field. The task is not to duplicate or simulate the activity of state bodies.

The participation of and partnership with the Institute for African Studies is very important. Historically, the Institute has been and remains the alma mater for many Africans. It has the most powerful research base in Russia, a deep knowledge about developments on the continent. Education and increasing awareness among Russian businesses is key. To understand the features of successful business in Africa, people should be well-versed in the social and political organization of all African countries, especially in their internal relationships, geographical peculiarities, and culture, in legislation, public administration, and so on.

The role of the Institute, as a partner to Africa Business Initiative (ABI), is to provide maximum assistance. Good knowledge of the legal field, regulation, competent interaction with decision-makers and government structures of African states – all these constitute the key to a mutually beneficial and balanced cooperation. The international experience and global presence of the Squire Patton Boggs, which is also one of the members of the Africa Business Initiative (ABI), allows us to assist businesses in the broader international cooperation, involving foreign colleagues and contacts that are interested in doing business in Africa.

Kester Kenn Klomegah is an independent researcher and writer on African affairs in the EurAsian region and former Soviet republics. He wrote previously for African Press Agency, African Executive and Inter Press Service. Earlier, he had worked for The Moscow Times, a reputable English newspaper. Klomegah taught part-time at the Moscow Institute of Modern Journalism. He studied international journalism and mass communication, and later spent a year at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. He co-authored a book “AIDS/HIV and Men: Taking Risk or Taking Responsibility” published by the London-based Panos Institute. In 2004 and again in 2009, he won the Golden Word Prize for a series of analytical articles on Russia's economic cooperation with African countries.

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Governance reform could see African economies benefit to tune of £23bn

MD Staff

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The latest edition of PwC’s bimonthly Global Economy Watch has found that African economies could receive a windfall of £23bn if each economy applied similar governance reforms equivalent to those made by Cote d’Ivoire since 2013.

The continent-wide economic analysis modelled the performance of each country across six of the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (2013-17), which covers aspects such as regulatory quality, rule of law and government effectiveness.

The analysis has found that if each African economy made an improvement to governance equivalent to that made by Côte d’Ivoire over the past four years, these gains would be worth around $23bn if realised across the continent.

The countries with the largest potential gains are those with a comparatively high GDP per head but a poor track record on governance. Accordingly, oil-rich Libya and Equatorial Guinea would see the greatest increase, with each person gaining an additional $400 and $200, respectively.

Those with lower GDP per capita, such as Niger and Malawi, would see a smaller improvement, despite their governance rank being below the average for the region. By contrast, economies like Rwanda, which have made similar improvements to Côte d’Ivoire, would also only realise a small benefit, with greater gains made through further diversification of their economies.

Regional differences are significant

The forecast also notes strong regional differences in economic growth across the continent. Economic growth has been particularly strong in East Africa (at around 3% a year since 2013). Central Africa, by contrast, saw annual real GDP per capita fall by an average of 1.3% over the period. North Africa and the Southern region experienced very sluggish growth (of 0.4% and 0.8% a year respectively), while West Africa saw faster growth of 1.9% a year.

Mike Jakeman, senior economist at PwC UK says,

‘Given that Africa contains more countries than any other land mass on earth, it is vital that we consider each economy in its own terms. Economic performance has varied wildly in recent years, but the correlation between strong economic growth and improvements in governance suggests a way for all of Africa to grow more quickly.

‘It is important to acknowledge the real benefits that governance reform can bring. Improved governance can also help countries identify other opportunities for growth. Although we should move away from a single narrative about the African economy, we can also acknowledge areas of mutual interest and benefit across regional economies.’

Manufacturing has driven the global slowdown

Looking at the recent performance of the global economy, the report also explores the causes of the slowdown since mid-2018. The weakness appears concentrated in the manufacturing sector, with purchasing managers indices for the US, China and the euro zone, in particular, declining.

Mike Jakeman says, ‘There are two interrelated stories here. The first is the effect of the US-China trade conflict, which is causing disruptions to supply chains suppressing appetite for trade. This is bad news for Europe, especially, which is a big exporter to both the US and China.

‘The second is the Chinese government’s attempt to deleverage its highly indebted corporate sector, which is likely to have exerted downward pressure on its own manufacturing output and those of its main suppliers. However, the cooling effect of the trade war on the economy has led the government to prioritise its GDP target of 6-6.5% over its deleveraging programme.

‘This short-term relaxation of policy, especially if combined with an armistice on trade, could be enough to re-inject some momentum into the global economy in the remainder of 2019.’

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Africa: A Rich Continent and Poor Policies

Mohamad Zreik

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Africa, the land of good, peace and natural wealth that is unparalleled, but under the circumstances, this continent have been under the yoke of foreign colonialism for long and bitter years, suffering from the problems of poverty and deprivation and being classified as “third world.” The situation is even worse with the epidemics and serious diseases that have plagued this continent, in addition to the endless wars, related to religious, political and societal divisions. This bad situation, which is unacceptable in the 21st century, urges the world to take responsibility.

The African continent has been a source of wealth for many who are “not African.” The African continent has been used for many years to build nations outside the African borders and serve the world’s people. In addition to the external hand that dominated and took over the resources of African land, the only thing that is incredible “rich land and a poor and hungry people.”

Africa is rich in gold, diamonds, chromium, cobalt, platinum and uranium. Some African countries such as Algeria, Angola, Congo Brazzaville, Gabon, Libya and Nigeria, for example, rely on the export of crude oil for about 70-95% of foreign exchange. Botswana relies on exporting diamonds for 80% of foreign exchange, as well as Zambia, which relies on copper exports for 80% of foreign exchange. Niger relies on uranium, which accounts for 96% of foreign exchange. But there is another problem: the inevitability of dependence on the outside because of the link between the economy of these countries with import and export, specifically its connection with Europe and America. Talk of full African independence will not be realistic because of the economic ties of the Great Powers.

Africa is also dependent on many foreign countries for its undeniable debt, aid and donations. Africa is not yet ready to pursue a policy of giving up foreign aid and talking about Africa, self-sustaining and not in need of other countries. The debt problem in many countries of the African continent has reached high rates. The average ratio of debt to GDP in sub-Saharan Africa increased from 51% to about 100% during 1982 and 1992.It is therefore necessary to develop an economic strategy for the African continent that makes it a fully sovereign geographical area. Since sustainable development begins with economic growth, all the problems of the continent will be resolved if a viable economic policy is pursued. A large proportion of Africa’s debt comes from the colonial powers themselves, such as France and Britain.

The endless wars in many African countries are a source of constant tension, making the African continent classified as politically and security unstable area, which threatens the tourism sector and the pace of economic growth and makes the investor prefer to invest in other areas more secure and stable. African countries are required to pursue a strict security policy that works to root out extremism and rein in terrorist and subversive groups that have brought destruction, devastation and economic decline to the country.

The extreme poverty that afflicts the African continent is due to unfair policies that do not take into account the criteria of community development in many cases, and most importantly, the accumulated external debt that hinders the process of social and economic development. As the African continent, as mentioned earlier, is a region rich in natural resources, it is therefore important to make use of these resources, and not to leave them to foreign countries, in other words, not to allow the African continent to be an open and unregulated territory.

The most serious diseases in the world today are rampant and widespread in the African region, such as malaria, kidney disease and AIDS, which plague African people. International organizations and bodies such as the World Health Organization are now required to work, move and intensify efforts to reduce the prevalence of these diseases.

The illiteracy rate is very high on the African continent and this is unacceptable nowadays. As there is no way to progress and develop except in education and the dissemination of the culture of science, International educational institutions should focus on the poor and educate them and increase the proportion of schools and universities in bilateral and collective cooperation.

This miserable situation in the African continent has long led many to think of emigration or resort to other countries. But most of them live in difficult conditions in foreign countries, and the phenomenon of asylum and intensive migration leads to the abundance of cheap labor in foreign countries and provides them with difficult jobs that are not easy for the countryman to carry out.

The African continent is rich in natural resources and has surplus labor, which is sufficient to achieve self-sufficiency if accompanied by a sound economic and social policy. Therefore, African governments and the African Union must take unified decisions and not follow the policy of dependency because such a policy will only increase the African continent deficit and economic and social decline.

The governments of the African countries should make their relations with the countries of the world friendly regardless of the financial or military power of the other side so that the African countries will not remain in the position of the weak. All this indicates that African countries are capable and need only to unite and work on sound policy. Poverty in African countries can be solved if natural resources are exploited well and in the interest of African countries and not of other countries.

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Western Sahara: UNSC resolution draft and calls for neighboring commitments

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In view of the adoption of the MINURSO, issues, and circumstances that have been associated with the Issue of the Sahara conflict resolution case have still in processing. Current discussions have studied upon the main functionalism of the forum and its effectiveness and productivity in managing its performances over the conflictual region.

Due to this, the recent budget cost of the UN mission is given as a new financial deposit for MINURSO in Sahara territory. The interests of the UN Security Council resolutions on the renewal of financial process to the conflict is to bring regional stability and securitized MINURSO’s work field under international UN standards, and preserving the safety of its members coinciding with the current political uprising in Algeria and Polisario’s camp. This is quite superficial that the pressure poured by the superpower powers on the commitment to frame up an territory for the settlement, particularly the United State side, which was intentionally supervised to decrease its contribution to the United Nations, and the Secretary-General and his envoy to set a time frame in six months to cope with the Sahara case.

Yes, Resolution 690 had brought the result of the ceasefire and how MINURSO guided the division of the settlement plan process and the observing of the cease-fire. Meanwhile, new missions were added to the adjustment file, especially, the implementation of the voter identification and registration program after the full establishment of the identity confirmation committee to handle the referendum, over the introduction and presentation of the lists and the holding of the proportion.

But the inefficiency and lack of the UN mission to designate a clearly specified scope was the first sign of failure to terminate the file of the Sahara conflict, making the application impossible and contrary to the rules of rational sought to avert anarchy and maintain stability in an open arena on all geopolitical potentials and variables.

As noted, the MINURSO Mission’s relationship with the parties to the Western Sahara conflict has been moved to the sphere of disagreement, and has pushed to Morocco’s call for MINURSO personnel quit and suspend the liaison office of the United Nations Mission in Sahara (UNSMA) in Dakhla, as long as the failure of the approach adopted to hand over different possibilities, scenarios and go beyond the established and beyond-of the Mission, the failure of the latter was seen in mishandling the process of independent human rights monitoring in 2014 that goes beyond the usual tasks of peacekeeping missions. Though this indicates a symbol of its failure to engage in biased approaches, risky alternatives, weak ability to rearrange the process of the settlement, and how to maintain it. And also currently discussed the preparatory talks in Geneva, I and II, with the decisions of the mission and the envoys of the Secretary-General of the United Nations during the past periods, and argued the framework of the settlement plan to be implemented since the resolution 690 and possible alternatives and initiatives proposed, as well as recording abuses and inequality management of the cease-fire since the early nineties of the last century .

To certain extent, the transformations in the international sphere have overcasted the duty of the mission in Western Sahara and the adjustments seen by all the parties engaged in the Sahara issue, both advocating the Polisario Front, particularly after the Kingdom of Morocco back to the African Union and the enhancing of European and Moroccan strategic cooperation, as well as the progress of economic and financial openness with many states such as China, Russia, and India. Algerian leverage declined due to the financial crisis caused by the descend in oil and Gas interests, and the current political situation, with a constitutional vacuum, as an outcome of social mobility. And made it the fully complicated case in Algeria on the road map to be achieved, due to the new role and direct the Algerian party and the Mauritanian in the Western Sahara case as involved in seeking a suitable resolution within the scope of the settlement.

Accordingly, the real motives provided by the MINURSO mission in the Western Sahara in relation to the settlement project and the deterrents encountered in past stations, when they exceed the powers granted to them, the involved parties in conflict thought the Mission officers would be more professional to provide reliable plans and decided to reach rational peace and security over the territory of Sahara region, but it is supposed to evoke the developments and changes taking place in the regional and international environment, which seeks to end up the case, and stop the suffering of many individuals in the Tindouf camps.

In both theory and practice, it is widely held that the applicable existence of MINURSO in the Western Sahara conflict has been focused on two key aspects: First the time framework of the mission, and the mechanism of observing the conflict circumstances over the region, also the manner in which the case is handled by the United Nations, which is based on the quality of the events contained in the decisions of the UN envoy, and the pressure of members of the UN Security Council, particularly the United States. Who given strong positions in the statements of US National Security Advisor John Bolton and Senator Jim Anheoff.

The second aspect is rational, based on the right to develop a settlement policy, move away from rigid unreliable decisions, and take a real understanding of the geopolitical changes in the Sahara region and beyond in order to achieve security and stability of the Northeast region, and more importantly to develop the linkage of solidarity of the Maghreb integration based on institutional charter.

Equally, it is very crucial to understand why Russia and South Africa refused to vote for Sahara resolution text in the UNSC a few days ago, pointing out that the text resolution was prepared tried to ensure the political unity of the members of the Security Council on the subject of Western Sahara. Unlike the permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council showed their positions after the adoption by the UN Security Council of the extension of MINURSO’s mandate in Western Sahara until October 31, 2019, with the support of 13 members are willing to end up this longstanding conflict in Africa.

Yet, The representative of the United States of America, which is adapting the text resolution, is pleased with the support showed by the UN Security Council for the efforts of Horst Köhler, the UN envoy to Western Sahara, to make a lasting and acceptable solution by both parties to the conflict.

In Foreign affairs doctrine, ” consensus ” refers to the accepted plan in which the adjustment of conflicts towards negotiation is only the legitimate way. The United States sent straightforward strong messages to Algeria. “Neighboring states should cooperate seriously due to achieve a political solution. This strong language has helped to make progress in today’s consultations with The kingdom of Morocco, Algeria, the Polisario Front, and Mauritania,”

For its part, France restated its strong support for the autonomy initiative, which proposes The Kingdom of Morocco to resolve the Sahara conflict, outlining autonomy as “the only basic, realistic, credible and trustworthy solution that can shape the keystone of the forthcoming negotiations.”

True, France showed its regret that the mandate of the MINURSO had not been improved for an entire year instead of six months, calling on the Security Council to renew to the old version of the forthcoming resolutions. France also pointed out the need for the engaged four parties to the conflict to continue in the same format, organizing the third session of the consultations.

South Africa, which abstained in favor of the resolution, showing its disapproval of its contents.”The resolution contains many aspects that are not fit for UNSC resolution. It is also unbalanced and does not accurately reflect the efforts of the parties, Morocco and especially the Polisario Front,” Indeed, South African is known an anti-Rabat stance for any resolution come to settled down Western Sahara conflict. Also, For its part, Cote d’Ivoire praised the efforts and achievements of the Kingdom of Morocco to end the Sahara issue, particularly the autonomy plan, which it characterized as “serious and solid for negotiations among the parties to the conflict.” The Côte d’Ivoire had hoped that the mandate of the United Nations Mission would be renewed for a full year instead of six months.

In effect, this is what the Kingdom has expected the outcome. The Russian position, which fully rejects the UN Security Council resolution, declared its rejection of the text resolution submitted by the United States, on the basis of which the Security Council resolution was passed. The Russian representative highlight that “amendments to the resolution go in an unbiased direction,” calling for “the determination of criteria on the basis of the ultimate aim of self-determination for the peoples of the Sahara.”

Having indicated that it would maintain to play a balanced role among all parties to the conflict in order to reach a mutually rational solution, Russia pointed out that the continuation of the current circumstances in Western Sahara could be used by jihadists groups, which would jeopardize the region militarily and politically.

As a strategically important Arab Middle East countries of Morocco, Kuwait, as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, welcomed the decision of the Security Council and Morocco’s efforts to close the Sahara conflict file. The representative of Kuwait points out that the final resolution of the conflict would give the progress of the peoples of the Maghreb region and upgrade the security and stability of the neighboring States of the region. Therefore, Kuwait also restated its support for the autonomy plan in the Moroccan Sahara, showing the need to respect Morocco’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, describing Morocco’s serious and credible solutions as well as the role played by the National Human Rights Council in Dakhla and Laayoune and Rabat’s cooperation with the UN human rights bodies.

The Security Council resolution highlighted the commitment for a rational, practical and lasting political solution to the case of Western Sahara on the sense of consensus and fully supported the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy to sustain the process of new negotiations to resolve the issue.

So far, the resolution noted the significance of the Personal Envoy to invite the Kingdom of Morocco, the Polisario Front, Algeria, and Mauritania to meet again and welcomed their commitment to keeping to participate in this settlement process in a spirit of commitment and compromise to ensure success.

Additionally, The Security Council called upon the parties to restate negotiations under the supervision of the Secretary-General without preconditions and in good faith, taking into account the efforts made since 2006 and subsequent developments with a view to reaching a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution that would guarantee the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara.

Security Council stressed the importance of renewing the parties’ commitment to enhancing the political process, in preparation for deeper negotiations, and encouraged the neighboring countries especially Algeria to make important and effective contributions to the resolution process. In the end, the resolution advocated both parties and neighboring countries to engage seriously with each other ongoing to solve this conflictual issue and promote better implementation of UN mission in Western Sahara territory.

In summary, the classical Security Council resolution draft for MINURSO extension in Western Sahara doesn’t give any realistic solution to the issue, just a postponement. As a matter fact, UNSC needs to updates its time framework and implementation measures through calling all involved conflict parties, especially Algeria and Polisario Front to speed up their commitments and engagement in Moroccan Autonomy plan which is seen internationally more acceptable and more suitable for settling down the Western Sahara conflict.

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