Cholpon Orozobekova’s article for The Diplomat on Central Asia’s autocratic rulers is a fascinating look at the men who helped take the central ‘stans, particularly Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, from communism to “democracy.” Just as fascinating is the prospect, for each of these countries, of who will finally succeed the communist relics/reborn ‘democrats’ still hoarding power.
The president of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahman, is 63 and his current term ends in 2020. President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan is 77 but was just reelected in 2015 for another seven-year term. Finally, Kazakhstan’s sitting president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, is 75 and was also just reelected in 2015, but to a five-year term in his case. These men, and their absolute control over the political, economic, and military facets of their countries, will have significant impact on the future of the Greater Caspian Region.
As mentioned in the article, President Emomali is the autocrat with the best plan for his eventual replacement. The Tajik constitution was recently amended to lower the minimum age of the presidency to 30 from 35. Not so coincidently, Rahmon’s son Rustam will be 32 when his father’s current term ends in 2020. This foresight is not surprising, however, as Tajikistan has been called profoundly risk averse when it comes to political change. Who better to replace the current ruler than his own son, groomed for most of his adult life to succeed his father as the Tajik president? In addition to all but ensuring his son’s ascendance after he leaves office, Rahmon was also able to get a law passed by the Tajik parliament to name him “Leader of the Nation,” an honorific that also comes with the ability to run for unlimited terms if he so chooses. Whether Rahmon steps down in 2020 or not, it can be assumed that Rustam will enjoy the same kind of ‘electoral support’ his father has for the last twenty years. Rahmon carried the previous three elections with 97%, 79%, and 83%, respectively. These results are unsurprising, however, given the repeated calls by international organizations about a lack of pluralism and genuine choice and fairness in Tajik elections. Whatever the next decade holds, it seems that Tajikistan has steadily worked to ensure its own warped sense of political stability so that there will be limited resistance to the transition to the next Rahmon president.
The issue of Uzbek succession and stability is one of great concern in the region. President Karimov is 78 years old with two daughters, one of whom is under de facto house arrest after being tied to over a billion dollars in bribes from international telecom companies. This detainment happened to coincide with a Swedish money laundering investigation into businesses owned by the Karimov family in general. Corruption is an overarching theme in Central Asia, but in Uzbek politics particularly, especially where the First Family is concerned. While Karimov wields tremendous political power, the overt nepotism and ostentatious displays of corruption-fueled wealth are the stuff popular uprisings are made of theoretically. With Karimov’s mortality rapidly approaching, dissent within the family, and no traditional or obvious chosen male ‘political heir,’ Uzbekistan seems ripe, at least potentially, for a true regime disruption in the coming decade as succession issues likely become forced to center stage.
President Nazarbayev appears less concerned with finding his successor than he is with using science to extend his own rule. He ordered the establishment of a research institute in 2010 that would study the “rejuvenation of the organism,” partially in an effort to extend his own life and, by extension, his reign. How much stock Nazarbayev puts in finding a modern-day scientific fountain of youth is debatable. However, the stock he puts in family cultivation and grooming is undeniable. Much like President Emomali of Tajikistan, Nazarbayev is actively grooming one of his offspring to eventually succeed him. In this case though Nazarbayev’s daughter Dariga is the chosen successor. She has already ascended to the Deputy Prime Minister’s chair, effectively one step from co-ruling with her father when he’s ready to share power. Assuming that day comes, recent legislation grants Nazarbayev effective veto power over any political decisions, even after he has stepped down from office, as well as immunity from prosecution. How this will impact the effectiveness of his eventual successor’s ability to rule remains to be seen. While it should ease the transition, given that it seems likely Nazarbayev will spend several years only ‘semi-retired’ from the presidency at first, it could also backfire by undermining any sense of legitimacy and independence in his daughter’s subsequent rule.
The Future of Central Asian Security
A transition from autocratic rule is often dangerous, violent, and destabilizing to an entire region. Having three countries, all currently ruled by septuagenarians, that border each other and have to expect regime transitions in the next decade simply because of biology is the stuff regional nightmares are made of. Central Asia is also crisscrossed by natural gas and oil pipelines feeding the Russian and Chinese economies, two states that have shown a willingness to diplomatically coerce and intimidate these so-called Near Abroad countries. Since all three countries are highly susceptible to influence from Russia, and would likely be more so in the event of a contested or ineffectual succession, it is not outside the realm of possibility that they would be used as pawns against Chinese interests in the region as well. China’s massively important One Belt, One Road policy, which heavily utilizes the Central Asian region to bring about this trade/communication/globalization initiative, will have no less passionate an interest in seeing how succession maneuvers go. Any destabilizing influence could negatively affect all of these countries agendas, as well as the greater Caspian region writ large. Whatever the outcome, Central Asia is not exactly known for peaceful, bloodless power transitions that uphold the principles and hopes of consolidated mature democracy. Unfortunately, there is no reason to think this might change in the coming decade.
ILO Reports Important Progress on Child Labour and Forced Labour in Uzbek Cotton Fields
A new International Labour Organization report to the World Bank finds that the systematic use of child labour in Uzbekistan’s cotton harvest has come to an end, and that concrete measures to stop the use of forced labour have been taken.
The report Third-party monitoring of measures against child labour and forced labour during the 2017 cotton harvest in Uzbekistan is based on more than 3,000 unaccompanied and unannounced interviews with a representative sample of the country’s 2.6 million cotton pickers. It shows that the country is making significant reforms on fundamental labour rights in the cotton fields.
“The 2017 cotton harvest took place in the context of increased transparency and dialogue. This has encompassed all groups of civil society, including critical voices of individual activists. This is an encouraging sign for the future. However, there is still a lag between the sheer amount of new decrees and reforms being issued by the central government and the capacity to absorb and implement these changes at provincial and district levels,” says Beate Andrees, Chief of the ILO’s Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work Branch.
The ILO has been monitoring the cotton harvest for child labour since 2013. In 2015, it began monitoring the harvest for forced labour and child labour as part of an agreement with the World Bank.
Interviews carried out by the monitors took place in all provinces of the country and included cotton pickers and other groups which are directly or indirectly involved in the harvest such as local authorities, education and medical personnel. In addition, a telephone poll of 1,000 randomly selected persons was conducted. Before the harvest, the ILO experts organized training for some 6,300 people directly involved with the recruitment of cotton pickers.
The results confirm that the large majority of the 2.6 million cotton pickers engaged voluntarily in the annual harvest in 2017 and that there is a high level of awareness in the country about the unacceptability of both child and forced labour. The report confirms earlier findings that the systematic use of child labour in the cotton harvest has ended though continued vigilance is required to ensure that children are in school.
Instructions have been given by the Uzbek national authorities to local administrations to ensure that all recruitment of cotton pickers is on a voluntary basis. In September 2017, an order was given withdrawing certain risk groups (students, education and medical personnel) from the harvest at its early stage.
Moreover, cotton pickers’ wages have been increased in line with recommendations by the ILO and the World Bank. The ILO recommends that the government continues to increase wages and also addresses working conditions more broadly to further attract voluntary pickers.
Last September, Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev spoke before the United Nations General Assembly in New York where he pledged to end forced labour in his country and underscored his government’s engagement with the ILO. In November 2017, at the Global Conference on the Sustained Eradication of Child Labour in Argentina, Uzbekistan also pledged to engage with independent civil society groups on the issue.
The ILO Third-Party Monitoring (TPM) project in Uzbekistan will now focus on the remaining challenges, particularly the need for further awareness raising and capacity building, which varies between provinces and districts. It will ensure that all those involved in recruitment will have the information and tools needed to ensure that cotton pickers are engaged in conformity with international labour standards.
The monitoring and results from a pilot project in the area of South Karkalpakstan also show that cotton picking economically empowers women in rural areas. The cotton harvest provides many women with a unique opportunity to earn an extra cash income which they control and can use to improve the situation of their families.
The ILO TPM Project is funded by a multi-donor trust fund with major contributions by the European Union, United States and Switzerland.
Kazakhstan Launches Online Platform for Monitoring and Reporting Greenhouse Gases
An online platform for monitoring, reporting and verifying emission sources and greenhouse gases (GHG) was officially launched today by the Ministry of Energy of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the World Bank.
The platform is an essential element of the National Emissions Trading System of Kazakhstan, which was launched in 2013 as the country’s main instrument to regulate domestic CO2 emissions and to drive the development of low-carbon technologies. Today, the National Emissions Trading System of Kazakhstan covers all major companies in the energy, oil and gas sectors, mining, metallurgical, chemical and processing industries.
Since 2014, the World Bank Trust Fund Partnership for Market Readiness has provided technical assistance to Kazakhstan in supporting the implementation of the National Emissions Trading System of Kazakhstan and related climate change mitigation policies.
“Kazakhstan’s emissions trading system is the first of its kind in the Central Asia region,” said Ato Brown, World Bank Country Manager for Kazakhstan. “With support from the Partnership for Market Readiness, the country has made a great effort to develop policy options for mid- and long-term emissions pathways and to develop an action plan on GHG emissions reductions by 2030. The World Bank will continue to support the Government during the crucial stages of policy implementation.”
The platform enables Kazakhstan’s major emitters to transmit and record data on GHGs emissions, as well as trade online. The National Allocation Plan, adopted in January 2018, sets an emission cap for 129 companies for the period 2018-2020. Per the national allocation plan, quotas have been allocated until 2020.
“The electronic platform undoubtedly proves the evolution of the Kazakhstan emission control system, which will allow the monitoring, reporting and verification system to be upgraded to a much higher level,” said Sergei Tsoy, Deputy General Director of JSC Zhasyl Damu.
GHG data is confirmed by accredited bodies for verification and validation and transferred to the Cadastre using an electronic digital signature. To date, there are seven verification companies accredited in Kazakhstan, with five more in the process of accreditation.
The platform was developed by JSC Zhasyl Damu with the support of France’s Technical Center on Air Pollution and Greenhouse Gases. The system is administered by JSC Zhasyl-Damu, while the beneficiaries are the Climate Change Department and the Committee for Environmental Regulation and Control of the Ministry of Energy of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
Kazakhstan is one of the largest emitters of GHG in Europe and Central Asia with total annual national emissions of 300.9 MtCO2e in 2015. The energy sector accounts for 82% of total GHG emissions, followed by agriculture (9.6%) and industrial processes (6.4%). More than 80% of produced electricity in Kazakhstan is coal-fired, followed by natural gas (7%) and hydro power (8%).
Kazakhstan proposed as its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) an economy-wide reduction of GHG emissions of 15% from 1990 emissions levels by 2030. Kazakhstan ratified the Paris Agreement in November 2016 and committed itself to the fulfilment of the proposed target as its first INDC. The objective will contribute to sustainable economic development as well as to the achievement of the long-term global goal of keeping global temperatures below 2 degrees Celsius.
Religious buildings in Kazakhstan to be labeled 16+
New restrictions on religious activities are emerging in Kazakhstan. Will they help to fight extremism?
According to the Government bill introducing amendments to the laws on religious activities and associations, adolescents should be forbidden from attending mosques, churches and synagogues if they are not accompanied by one of the parents and don’t have written consent of another parent.
Schools and the media are going to be forbidden from talking about the belief systems of various religions as well.
By implementing these and other measures, Astana intends to combat religious extremism. However, the crackdown on religion has already set the country four years back: in 2017 the Republic of Kazakhstan returned on the list of countries where the religious situation arouses concern of the US State Department Commission on International Religious Freedom. Kazakhstan last appeared on the list along with Afghanistan, India, Indonesia and Laos in 2013.
Is the proposed bill really going to help to contain the spread of radical Islam, and to what extent does it conform with international human rights standards?
The Concept of State Policy towards Religion, adopted in 2017, shows that the authorities strive to expel religion from public space altogether and promote an ideology of “secularism”. Their thinking is understandable: with no contact between members of differentreligions, there will be no inter-religious conflicts.
However, according to the European experience, prohibitive policy does not bring the expected results. In a multicultural society, the lack of information about the beliefs of other religions only increases tensions. Silencing the matter of religion and obstructing religious education reduces the ability to critically evaluate the extremist ideologies,while increasing the opportunityto spread false information aimed to promote inter-religious discord.
In addition, various summer camps, excursion and pilgrimage activities organized by religious communities are going to be banned if the bill is adopted. It includes those traditional religious confessions that the Government routinely thanks for promoting the inter-civilizational dialogue, youth development and the maintenance of stability, peace and prosperity in the society. A large number of children and teenagers will be deprived of their usual social circles and leisure activities.
As a result of such unconstitutional state interference and bureaucratic obstacles, children and teenagers will be denied the right to practice the religion of their family even when outside educational, medical and other state institutions. Not to mention that parents will be entitledby law to restrict the right of their children under the age of 16 to choose their faith.
Moreover, according to the proposed legislation, if a minor is found in a prayer room“illegally”, the responsibility will fall on the religious organization in question. Consequently, the clergy will need to alienate and discourage the younger generations from attending their own churches, so as not to get fined and fall within the scope of the restrictions on the religious activities!
At the same time, actual extremist organizations will go underground and get more freedom than their peaceful competitors. Obviously, the unruly youth will turn not to those imams, priests or rabbis unable to go beyond the restrictive framework of formal prohibitions. They will go to the “real” preachers who offer communion, new religious experience, something to devote yourself to, a sense of self-worth (even if as suicide bombers).
It is in the interests of all religious leaders, and indeed the whole world, to prevent such a terrible scenario from happening and to return Kazakhstan on the path of civilizational dialogue and inter-confessional cooperation. Otherwise, any participation in the VI Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in the Astana Palace of Peace and Reconciliation can be seen as not only dishonorable and hypocritical, but also unsafe.
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