Connect with us

Economy

The Foreign Exchange Rate Determination Issue and its Empirical Deviations

Enrique Muñoz-Salido

Published

on

The discussion about the theories that determine the foreign exchange rate is a recurrent issue in the economic literature. Theoretical and empirical approaches achieved to outline a shaky framework in the past decades.

The mainstream of modern economic literature holds that relative prices of countries determine the behavior of their foreign exchange rate. The most well-known theoretical approach to this explanation is the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) theory, which asserts that the purchasing power of countries is the same when measure in the same currency.

The reason for the PPP model to hold is the presence of the international arbitrage, which makes prices equal between countries and corrects their purchasing power disparities. This is possible due to when the price of a good is cheaper in the domestic country than in the foreign country, foreign importers and domestic exporters will buy the good in the domestic country in order to sell it in the foreign country to obtain the profit derived from the both countries price imbalance. As a result of this situation, the price of the domestic good would increase while the price of the foreign good would decrease making one price equals to the other. This would lead to assert that when PPP holds, the purchasing power of those countries is the same (constant) over time.

Canada/U.S. Foreign Exchange Rate vs. PPP

exchangerate

*Percentage change relative to the base year 2010

Source (Muñoz-Salido, 2016)

As it can be seen in this graph of the Canada/U.S. foreign exchange rate and the PPP theory, there are consistent patterns regarding to the theoretical relationship of those variables. In general, it can be observed that whenever the value of Canadian dollar falls (so it implies an appreciation of the U.S. dollar against the Canadian dollar) against the value of the U.S. dollar, then always the Canada’s price level falls relative to that in the U.S., and , conversely, whenever there is a depreciation of the U.S. dollar against the Canadian dollar (so there is an increase in the value of the Canadian dollar relative to that in the U.S. dollar) then there is an increase in the Canadian price level relative to that in the U.S., which is strongly consistent with the PPP theory.

The only periods when this pattern is distorted is from 1974 to 1977 and from 2007 to 2013. This is not consistent with the PPP theory and it can be associated with not having the proper conditions for the PPP to hold, concretely. Following Coughlin’s & Koedijk’s (1990) statements, it can be explained by economic shocks, in this case the energy crisis at earlier 1970s which ended in the later 1970s and by the financial crisis which covered the aforementioned period.

Bearing in mind our results in this sample dataset, Stockman (1978) suggests that while a great part of changes in the exchange rate can be explained by inflation rates, there is many substantial changes in the exchange rate that remain unexplained. Stockman tries to justify part of this deviation by the role of the information about the future (id est. an increase in the expected rate of domestic inflation). He asserts that this information role makes a reduction on the demand for domestic money and connotes all nominal prices, including the price of foreign exchange, to rise. Nevertheless, he stresses that this alone cannot account for deviations from PPP unless exchange rates are associated with fluctuations in the ratio of domestic and foreign price levels. Stockman’s (1978) also addresses part of this deviation issue by associating its cause with other policies such a tariffs, quotas and controls on foreign exchange transactions which may affect the exchange rate indirectly by directly affecting the terms of trade.

In light of this ever-present deviation of empirical findings from the theory, Musa (1984) fiercely criticise the stickiness of prices. He addresses the short-run deviations to the slow price adjustment due to they are fixed in the short-run and they don’t adjust immediately to its equilibrium value. Stockman (1978) adds that this fact could be the main cause for the exchange rate to depreciate in the short-run, due to in the long-run good prices have already had time to adjust to a market equilibrium. Nevertheless, De Grauve et al. (1985) associate part of empirical deviations from PPP with the influence of the size of the stochastic disturbances in the money market by setting the assumption that the larger the size of the monetary and inflationary disturbances, the larger the variability of the real exchange rate. They also notice that this relation is not linear connoting an increase in the variability of the real exchange rate when monetary and inflationary disturbance occurs but levelling off after this immediate increase due to the force of goods arbitrage. They also set the international arbitrage as a grader factor when this disturbance arises.

In addition, Coughlin & Koedijk (1990) attribute part of this deviation to the fact that floating exchange rates are relatively new over time, so that the exchange rate determination is trying to be addressed by the convergence of two different type of exchange rate that have different behaviour. Under this assumption, they stress the fact that the relative price ratio of the real exchange rate fluctuates more in the floating-rate period than in the fixed exchange rate period. Also, they hold that another possibility that may explain this deviation is the effect of random shocks of various origins which disturb the real exchange rate theoretical behaviour, such as oil price shocks. As stated above, our results in the graph of Canada/U.S. foreign exchange rate and PPP theory coincide in dates with two economic shocks when the PPP theoretical pattern is distorted from 1974 to 1977 and from 2007 to 2013. Following Coughlin’s and Koedijk’s statements, this fact can be explained by the energy and the financial crisis influence in the aforementioned period.

Taylor & Taylor (2004) try to address this deviation issue by introducing trade costs and real shocks to the model with the aim to correct the deviations of the real from the foreign exchange rate. They hold that in order to improve the better understanding of the volatility of the real exchange rate, it can be combined the PPP theory with transactions costs and nonlinearity (due to, for example, the long-lasting effects made by price rigidities as stated above by Musa and Stockman) to obtain a more consistent empirical results that allow for the theory to properly hold.

Another requirement for the PPP model to hold is that the real version of the exchange rate achieved provided by PPP must show mean-reversion, so the behaviour of the real exchange rate is stable as it returns to a long-run level despite its fluctuations. When this assumption is violated, it entails that there are trends, random walks or cycles that may explain the causality of the foreign exchange rate instead the PPP model. In other words, this doesn’t allow for the foreign exchange rate to be explained or predicted by the PPP. De Gauve et al. (1985) propose an improvement to the stationarity of the series by applying an alternative statistical technique that makes it possible to decompose a time series into cycles of different frequencies, the spectral analysis. The results on this analysis would show how much of the total change is due to an observed cycle (a low-frequency cycle that repeats itself some times) and how much to seasonal movement (a high-frequency cycle that repeats itself predominantly). As a result, it is obtained a regression information on the extent to which the total variability of series is due to cycles of different frequencies.

In light that the theory assumes the trade to be constant, it can be asserted that in some periods of economic weakness the perfect arbitrage cannot play the same role for correcting purchasing power imbalances than when the economic system is not disturbed. Also, there could be potential factors for the international arbitrage to change over time such as the presence of the internet-based trade since 2000s or the development of new technologies, which can accelerate and change the international trade patterns.

In short, some of these hypothetical deviation statements can lie as a suitable explanation for slight deviations of empirical results from the theoretical framework of PPP theory of the literature in the past decades.

A conclusion to be drawn from this analysis is that PPP theory tends to hold with peculiarities. In the light of this evidence, Dornsbusch (1985) asserts that “There can be no objection to the strong or absolute version of PPP as a theoretical statement. Objections arise, however, when it is interpreted as an empirical proposition”. It can be asserted that the more the model simplifies the reality through theoretical assumptions the more the reality can be distorted. By logical thinking, it can be considered that the more this model is corrected for such an inaccuracy the more the deviation can be reverted.

In short, the vicissitudes with which the PPP holds in the literature over time can be considered as a challenging avenue for future research and as a suggestion for developing in depth the assumptions in which theoretical economic models are based.

Enrique is an MSc Candidate in Social Anthropology at Regent’s Park College, University of Oxford. His research interests lie at the intersection of human behaviour and social interactions and his top analytical skills comprise macro and micro data analysis and statistical methods. Prior to joining Oxford, Enrique completed his MSc in Economics (distinction) at the University of Brighton, UK, where he was a Santander Scholar, and his undergraduate degree at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain.

Continue Reading
Comments

Economy

Former African Envoys advocate for more economic engagements with Russia

Kester Kenn Klomegah

Published

on

Former Ambassadors have strongly urged African leaders and business entrepreneurs to prioritize the most sustainable development needs as the best approach to seeking Russian investors in fixing their economies in Africa when they converge this October for the first Russia-African summit planned in Russia’s southern coastal city of Sochi.

In separate interviews, they believed what was abundantly clear how to stimulate African governments into exploring investment opportunities in Russia and Russian investors into Africa within some framework of mutual-cooperation.

Former South African Ambassador, (H.E.) Mandisi Mpahlwa, said that Sub-Saharan Africa has understandably been low on post-Soviet Russia’s list of priorities, given that Russia is not as dependent on Africa’s natural resources as most other major economies. It is important to point out that Soviet and African relations, anchored as they were on the fight to push back the frontiers of colonialism, did not necessarily translate into trade, investment and economic ties, which would have continued seamlessly with post-Soviet Russia.

“Of course, Russia’s objective of taking the bilateral relationship with Africa to the next level cannot be realized without close partnership with the private sector. Africa and Russia are close politically, but they are also geographically distant and the people-to-people ties are still far under-developed. This translates into a low level of knowledge on both sides of what the other has to offer. There is perhaps also a measure of fear of the unknown or the unfamiliar in both countries,” according to Mpahlawa.

Former Ethiopian Ambassador, Professor (Dr) Teketel Forssido, said that one of the biggest problems has been keen competition from the United States, Europe, China and India as more developed countries with more advanced technological and development oriented solutions, and have become, for the past decades, ” investment patrons” in African countries. These are what Africa need, – foreign policy directed towards the development needs of Africa.

Former Nigerian Ambassador, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, told me that Africa’s drive for sustainable democratic governance backed by an enhanced economically viable environment is of paramount importance. Many African leaders are emphasizing the quest to eradicate poverty and give people a sustainable environment for budding democracy.

“It is Africa’s hope that foreign authorities will back us in this direction. It is important to remind foreign investors that investment opportunities for developing large and medium scale enterprises are abound in Africa. The importance of the informal sector in generating employment and promoting self-reliance through higher productivity. We implore Russian investors to take advantage of these new potentials,” Air Commodore Dan Suleiman stressed in his discussion.

Undoubtedly, the Russian government stance on supporting the policy of Africa to employ plausible solutions to resolve their infinite problems should be extolled assertively, wrote former Tanzanian Ambassador, Dr Jaka Mgwabi Mwambi.

He said, for instance, “Tanzania is currently on the verge of a bitter wrangle with iniquitous restraints, in order to redress all government systems, for the bright future of its wrath citizens. Thanks, it is discernible that the country is proactively moving steadfastly in a middle-income economy.”

Former Kenyan Ambassador to the Russian Federation, H.E. (Dr) Paul Kibiwott Kurgat explained in a recent interview discussion that any platform created for African leaders has to address thoroughly development-oriented questions, Kenya’s diplomacy has mostly focused on strengthening economic cooperation with foreign countries.

“Looking at the global development, Kenya would always like to build on this long history of strong and comprehensive engagement, first and for most, through developing closer ties with Russia in trade, investment and economic cooperation. So, my advice is that African leaders have to think objectively, first about effective ways how to improve the economy,” he said.

The Government of Kenya’s priority sectors range from infrastructure and energy development, industrialization and agriculture, manufacturing, tourism and among others. The development opens a myriad of investment opportunities to all potential foreign investors across the globe including Russia, Paul Kurgat added in his emailed comments from Nairobi, Kenya.

Former Mozambican Ambassador to Russia, Dr. Bernardo Marcelino Cherinda, emphasized that the changes in Russia have provided a greater impetus for forging new diversified relations, especially in the economic sectors, in Africa.

By this measure, African leaders have to relentlessly work towards a more effective cooperation and use political dialogue to remove obstacles that might hinder smooth progress and development. Whether they like it or not, African leaders have to make rational decisions to align their efforts and policies with this key goal of developing or building their economies, according to him.

Both Russia and Africa have to facilitate participation in the private sectors, to get also involved in medium-sized economic partnership, joint ventures, agro-processing industries, health and education. African leaders do not have to, in the least, doubt the enormous potentials that exist for these, according to the former envoy.

“And, I think it’s equally important Russia and Africa focus seriously on cultural aspects in their activities in order to bridge the widening information gap between the two countries. Russia has made the mark and it’s respected for its indelible historical achievements, literature and for the human values. The use of soft power as an instrument for new image-making initiatives has to be intensified,” Cherinda concluded.

Stergomena Lawrence Tax, Executive Secretary of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), assertively stressed in discussion with Russian authorities that strengthening ties in a broad range of economic fields would show that SADC truly remains as one of Russia’s key partners in Africa. SADC is an inter-governmental organization with its primary goal of deepening socio-economic cooperation and integration in the southern region.

Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the first woman to lead the bloc of 54 states, had discussed several times about Russian companies or industries participation in major infrastructure projects on the continent. Currently, Chad’s Moussa Faki Mahamat has also held discussion on Africa’s Fourth Industrial Revolution and has made efforts at enlisting Russia’s effective support for the Agenda 2063 of the African Union (AU).

For the past one and half decades (since his appointment in 2004), Foreign Minister Lavrov has held in-depth discussions on the current situation in Africa and always pointed to the possibility of continuing to promote effective bilateral cooperation in many spheres and to work together towards using fully the existing potentials. He always reminds that Moscow firmly supports the principle “African solutions to African problems” within a framework of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) formulated by the African countries.

Continue Reading

Economy

Business disorder between Europe and U.S.

Published

on

The European Union remains cautious in the economic battle with the White House. U.S. President Donald Trump continues to pursue his protectionist policies in international trade system. This has led to raising concerns and serious discontent among the United States’ European partners.

Disputes between the United States and other countries around the world are continuing on trade and economic issues. The fact is that U.S. President Donald Trump intends to exacerbate tensions until the presidential elections of 2020. Many international experts and analysts believe that a major part of the economic approach to the world of Trump has an electoral and political goal.

Many international analysts now talk about the conflicts between the United States and Europe over imposing sweeping steel and aluminum tariffs as a transatlantic “trade war”.

Conflicts that may extend in the near future and affect the widespread relations between Washington and Europe.

On the other hand, the authorities of Germany, Britain and France have not taken a proper approach to the policies of the President of the United States.Though politicians such as Emmanuel Macron, Angela Merkel and Theresa May seek to manage the situation and prevent the exacerbation of tensions with Washington, but people, business owners and European opposition parties are so angry at Trump and the U.S. government that the European troika’s authorities aren’t capable to control or even hide it.

One of the most important reasons for the continuation of Trump’s economic policies in the world is the passivity of European leaders against the White House. Under such circumstances, Europe has threatened to retaliate against the U.S. if Trump imposes steel and aluminum tariffs on European exports.

After Trump made his first announcement on the tariffs, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker threatened to put tariffs on American goods in response to Trump’s decision. That could decrease demand for those products inside EU borders and consequently lead to U.S. workers losing their jobs. But practically, European countries did not do anything about this.

Although some European citizens thought that the Chancellor of Germany would have a more determined approach than other European politicians, this was also a mistake!The German Chancellor stated that European Union member states must give the EU trade commissioner a clear mandate for negotiations with the United States over a long-term exemption from U.S. metal tariffs. Markel added: “Of course, we think it’s important that there are exemptions not only for a limited period of time … So far, we have had a very united stance, namely that we view these tariff demands as unjustified and that we want a long-term exemption.”

The fact is that Merkel’s implicit threat, which she didn’t address directly and explicitly because of her conservative policy towards the United States, is the same as the “European countermeasures” against the United States.

For months now, there have been months of anti-European measures taken by the White House and customs duties on European aluminum and steel. However, European countries have preferred to keep Silent instead of confronting Washington!
Indeed, the prolonged U.S.-EU talks on steel and aluminum tariffs is going to increase the dissatisfaction and anger among the European public opinion. It will also affect the performance of American companies in Europe.

First published in our partner Tehran Times

Continue Reading

Economy

Citizen Capitalism: How a Universal Fund can provide Influence and Income to all

Published

on

In the face of growing wealth inequality worldwide, more and more people are discussing alternatives to the current laissez-faire capitalism status quo.  Tamara Belinfanti, Sergio Gramitto and the late Lynn Stout offer up their own solution in Citizen Capitalism: How a universal fund can provide influence and income to all.

Our authors have devised up a concept they call the Universal Fund.  It’s like a sovereign wealth fund, but is privately created and funded via private ordering. That means that the Universal Fund is to be created from donations of stocks by companies and philanthropists.  The government would hence be uninvolved; the Universal Fund is not a socialist venture.  Rather, it is in part modeled on the structure of NGOs like the Sierra Club and the Red Cross. The Fund would provide an annual dividend to every citizen, with no maximum income cap.  Though it may seem absurd to send welfare payments to the wealthy, it’s politically savvy framing.  A free public college bill was passed in ultraconservative Tennessee thanks to having no maximum income cap; conservative detractors weren’t able to use the “class warfare” and “welfare queen” arguments. It should be noted that charitable tax deductions, estate tax reductions and lowered tax brackets would act as a de facto government incentive for the wealthy to donate to the Universal Fund.

The goals of the Universal Fund would be to decrease wealth inequality, encourage long-term investment and increase civic engagement in corporate culture.  On the last point, the authors remind us that, “The top 10% [of wealthiest Americans] hold more than 90% of all shares.”  Even in regards to the other 10% of shares owned, most of them are passively owned.  Most small-time investors don’t have time to vote in the annual general meetings of every company in which they are invested in.  Thus, boardroom votes are dominated by two shareholder proxy advisory firms and individual investors who own a substantial percentage of shares, as well as fund portfolio & hedge fund managers.

These Wall Street elites naturally tend to vote based upon their elitist interests.  Thus, they usually make decisions that are insane in terms of employee welfare, long-term corporate growth, executive pay and the environment. For example, `the authors remind us of the recent case of Martin Shkreli, the hedge fund manager who acquired Turing Pharmaceuticals and then raised AIDS medication prices from $13.50 to $750. This is the embodiment of the Reagan-era Golden Rule of maximizing shareholder value.  Not only is this Gordon Gekko truism objectively crazy, it’s actually legally unfounded.  Contrary to what you hear on CNBC or Fox Business, there’s no legal requirement that companies only focus on maximizing shareholder value.  The book relates the following quote from Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito comments in the recent case Burwell v. Hobby Lobby:“Modern corporate law does not require for-profit corporations to pursue profit at the expense of everything else, and many do not do so.”

CITIZEN CAPITALISM points to the ongoing successes of the sovereign wealth funds of Norway and Alaska, an ultraliberal and an ultraconservative society, respectively.  The Alaskan fund generally provides each citizen with a dividend payment of a few thousand dollars each year, via the state’s oil revenues.  The Government Pension Fund Norway is a more pertinent example, since it’s funded through a $1T stock portfolio.  Norway is not only able to fund its citizens’ pensions through the Fund, but also exert a moral influence on the market.  The Fund boycotts various egregious companies, like cigarette manufacturers, and will sell its shares in a company that gets exposed for abusive practices, like say employing child labor.  Our authors likewise want the Universal Fund to use a carrot-and-stick approach in regards to corporate ethics.

The thesis of CITIZEN CAPITALISM is, as the title suggests, rooted in optimism for capitalism.  Though they write about the success of socialist program in Alaska specifically, a conservative state in the US, the authors are convinced that a sovereign wealth fund bill could never be passed in Congress.  Recent polls and election results, however, show that Americans are starting to overwhelmingly favor ambitious government-program proposals like Medicare for All and a Green New Deal.  As I wrote before, the Universal Fund would mostly be feasible due to tax incentives; these government incentives would likely need to be greatly expanded in order to encourage enough stock donations to build the Fund to a substantial size.  Even America’s greatest philanthropists still stockpile billions of dollars in their offshore bank accounts.  Thus, one shouldn’t expect the Universal Fund or other private UBI schemes to become a replacement for state management of wealth inequality through programs like public school funding and marginal taxation.  Nonetheless, CITIZEN CAPITALISM is a stimulating little primer for rethinking the relationship between Wall St and Main St, managing the looming crises of a rapidly aging workforce and automation, plus the balancing of private and public sectors in regards to solving societal problems.

Continue Reading

Latest

Reports1 hour ago

Responsible investment and sustainable development growing priority for private equity

Responsible investment – involving the management of  environmental, social and governance (ESG) issues – is an increasingly significant consideration for...

EU Politics3 hours ago

PES Europe Ministers call for a European Budget that rises to the challenge

Europe needs ambitious short- and long-term planning, the Ministers of European Affairs from the PES agreed today during their discussion...

Russia5 hours ago

Standing for Everything Evil against Everything Good: Russia’s Hostile Measures in Europe

In late January, researchers from the renowned U.S. research centre RAND Corporation made their contribution to maintaining anti-Russian sentiments by...

South Asia7 hours ago

Breaking Down the South Asian Dynamic: Post Pulwama attack & Saudi Prince’s visit

The political and strategic activities of the South Asian region have been on a high for the past week or...

Reports9 hours ago

Turkey needs to step up investment in renewables to curb emissions

Turkey will see its greenhouse gas emissions continue their steady rise of recent years without concrete actions to improve energy...

EU Politics11 hours ago

Migration and asylum: EU funds to promote integration and protect borders

MEPs backed on Tuesday increasing the EU budget for migration and asylum policies and to reinforce borders. The Civil Liberties...

Intelligence13 hours ago

Content in New Media as an instrument of interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign States

Over the recent years we have observed a significant increase in the use of ICT-instruments to disseminate specially prepared content...

Trending

Copyright © 2019 Modern Diplomacy