The fight against corruption, officially launched six months ago by President Xi Jinping in all the Chinese government’s and Party’s apparata is a strategic and geopolitical fact of extraordinary importance.
The CPC General Secretary Xi Jinping wants a radical war against corruption especially for some important reasons, which regard both China’s current position in the world and its unity and stability.
Let us analyze them: a) all corrupt power networks, in China and elsewhere, distort the fundamentals of the economy and facilitate the penetration of foreign speculative capital, as well as the transformation of incomes in speculative, unearned and unproductive rente.
In addition, b) corruption makes the various peripheral or secondary power circles autonomous from the national and Party central leaderships. Corruption is the expression of an illegal rebellion of peripheries against the political and administrative Centre.
As always happens in these cases, every corrupt Chinese leader is a power autonomous from the Party’s and State’s chain of command.
Moreover, each corrupt network creates hidden power centers which do not respond to the Chinese Party’s and State’s normal channels of communication and control.
Finally, c) the corrupt networks deplete the Chinese cash reserves because, as always happens in these cases, they are interested in the outflow of their illegal funds from the country as quickly as possible, by also bearing high costs.
Every kind of corruption generates an uncontrollable irrationality in the cost-benefit analyses.
Moreover, China’s public accounting is based on Leontief’s cycles – namely the criteria of general equilibrium and input-output analysis – and each hidden or illegal transaction distorts this type of calculations.
Therefore President Xi Jinping really wants to free China from its ancient tradition of confusion between private interest and public offices. A country where the Centre does not know its peripheries and hence is bound to weaken ever more, as in the traditional imperial dynasties.
Mao Zedong – of whose political choices even a reformer like Deng Xiaoping used to say that “70% of them were right and 30% wrong” – was a staunch supporter of centralization, along the lines of the Emperor Shi Huangti, whom the Great Helmsman liked very much – the Emperor of the “Terracotta Army”, the first who unified Han China under one Empire after the “Warring States” period.
President Xi Jinping does not want China’s fragmentation and this is the reason why he fights so hard against corruption.
President Xi Jinping wants to fight corruption because he wants to build a united and strong political system, capable of facing the economic and political-military tensions looming on the horizon, in Asia and in the rest of the world, operating with a streamlined and centralized chain of command, without personal economic interests which may be used and exploited by China’s competitors or opponents.
For President Xi Jinping fighting corruption means above all to restore the primacy of national interest.
As the current economic theories – from Lambsdorff to Wade – teach us, each corrupt action leads to a dangerous and irrational allocation of the resources available, which pushes the best options and the most rational investment out of the market so as to favour the “intermediation and brokerage costs” and, finally, unearned and unproductive income and rente.
Hence every economic and political system generating a high level of corruption is doomed to self-destruction.
Obviously President Xi Jinping unites both struggles, namely the one against corrupt bureaucrats and the other against his enemies within the Party and the State.
Probably only Mao Zedong, during the “Cultural Revolution”, had succeeded in concentrating in his hands as much power as Xi Jinping’s today.
It is a phase in which China is ready for finally opening to the market-world and, as evidenced by what happened in Italy after 1992, corruption favours bad globalization as against “good” globalization”, the one which fosters nations’ economic and productive expansion.
Hence the more China shall open to the market-world, the more it shall build a reliable and centralized political system, not influenced by blackmail, bribes, corruption attempts, as well as autonomous centres of legal or illegal power.
The survival of the State and, above all, of the Communist Party of China depends on it.
President Xi Jinping’s policy line was made explicit in his recent year-end speech: to ensure the success of economic reforms which enhance the interaction between China and the West; to stabilize the yuan as a global reference currency; to reduce the Chinese economy’s dependence on public and private debt, as well as support the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
Clearly none of these objectives can be achieved without a strong and continuous fight against corruption.
Corruption increases the economic activities’ dependence on public and private debt, stultifies the infrastructure investment which will be decisive for making China come out of its geostrategic isolation and finally does not allow to exert a joint and vertical control over the country, which will be essential to prevail within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and over the West.
The “Twenty Years of Opportunities” proclaimed by Deng Xiaoping are now over and, if corruption were to permeate society, China’s politics and economy would go back to the “hundred years of national humiliation”.
The data and statistics of the anti-corruption campaign launched by President Xi Jinping are already remarkable: over 100,000 Party’s and State’s officials have already been inquired and investigated. In 2014 the share of cadres against whom sanctions and penalties were applied amounted to 3.14% and this means that 232,000 local and central officials were judged corrupt.
The “Eight-point Regulation” stipulated and announced by President Xi Jinping is now well-known throughout China: it imposes restrictions on the excessive use of funds for food and beverages; on the use of public funds for private travels, in China or abroad; on the improper use of vehicles made available and supplied; on unauthorized construction of buildings; on improper payments or illegal advantages and benefits; on luxurious gifts made or received; on too expensive weddings or funerals; on the breach of discipline and rules at work.
These are the guidelines used by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), the CPC’s agency which operates autonomously and independently, but following the directives of President Xi Jinping’s leadership team.
Without a firm and definitive fight against corruption, China’s globalization will mark the end of its national autonomy and of government’s ability to manage its economic choices. As at the time of the “Opium War”.
As we have witnessed also in Italy, it is worth reiterating that corruption makes a country leave “good” globalization and pushes it into bad, self-defeating and self-destructive globalization.
But what is the extent of corruption in China? It arises from the fact that the development resulting from the “Four Modernizations” was driven by public bodies and by government spending, the only available in China at that time.
In the 1980s some economic analysts even maintained that corruption itself was a kind of stimulus for the economy, since it obviously increased the aggregate demand and the level of consumption.
Nevertheless corruption blocks stable growth, while favouring unproductive spending and accelerating economic and business cycles.
According to most Western experts, corruption in China accounts for 3% of the current GDP.
Hence President Xi Jinping is right in fighting to eradicate corrupt practices inside and outside the Party because, considering the size of the phenomenon, they are carried out both by high-raking officials (the so-called “tigers”) and by the low-ranking ones (the so-called “flies”) who lurk in the apparata and, in all likelihood, are the cause of the recent decline of the GDP growth rate.
Therefore if the growth rate of the Chinese economy were to decrease further, also due to the 6% fall in foreign direct investment recorded in recent months, the very legitimacy of the CPC to rule China may fade away: it is precisely thanks to its extraordinary economic growth that the Party retains its large base of popular support, which could shrink if corruption were to block the rapid expansion of China’s GDP.
Hence, for President Xi Jinping, the fight against corruption is the most important part of the current reform of the Chinese economy and of China’s integration into the market-world.
Centenary of the Chinese Communist Party: 100 years of Prosperity and Greatness
Since its establishment, the Communist Party of China has made many national contributions and has become the main engine of Chinese progress since the revolution led by Chairman Mao Zedong and the policy of reform and opening up pursued by Deng Xiaoping up to the era of achievements laid down by current President Xi Jinping. In conjunction with the upcoming centenary of the Communist Party of China on July 1, China will launch the Shenzhou-12 manned spacecraft with three astronauts on board to the Chinese space station, whose construction is expected to be completed by the end of 2022, thus becoming the third country in the world to send humans into space with its own potential. Some political scholars from different backgrounds unanimously agree that the Communist Party is behind modern China, through the wise policy of governance and administration and the modern ideas presented by the philosophers of the Chinese Communist Party in economic and political structures and laying foundations for rational competition with countries and blocs opponents of China.
Within a hundred years, China has the second largest economy and is likely to rank first in the coming years, according to World Bank reports, a strong army that possesses advanced weapons capable of harming the enemy and achieving inevitable victories, a society in continuous prosperity through wise policy in poverty eradication and social welfare strategy, a fair and impartial political leadership. These and other elements of power were enough to transform China into a country that preoccupied the West and slew the most powerful countries. Some consider, out of ignorance, that communism is synonymous with backwardness and oppression, but the reality is otherwise. In communist China, human dignity is preserved and a person has value regardless of whether he/ she is poor or rich, and everyone shares the same rights and duties, in addition to freedom of belief and the practice of religious and social rituals. In some countries, cases of racial discrimination based on skin colour appear, the most recent of which was the George Floyd incident, which stirred the conscience of peoples, and cases of permanent indiscriminate killing and disrespect for public morals, which indicates a loophole in holding national security while claiming to maintain global security and spread the ideas of democracy.
The Communist Party of China has 91 million members from all over China, according to a report by the Xinhua News Agency. This number indicates satisfaction with the party’s performance and the great public turnout to contribute to the promotion of its ideas and principles. But according to my humble Chinese experience, it is not necessary to be a member of the Chinese Communist Party to believe in and defend its principles. This party is linked to national identity and constant struggle, so it is enough for you to be Chinese to be represented by this party. The Chinese Communist Party was founded in 1921 as a political and revolutionary movement by some revolutionaries who laid its foundations and general principles, including Li Dazhou 李大钊 and Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀. These two revolutionary men emerged from the May Fourth Movement of 1919 and joined Marxism after the victory of the Bolsheviks in 1917. During the turmoil across China in the twentieth century, some cadres of the Chinese Communist Party, including Mao Zedong 毛泽东, Liu Shaoqi 刘少奇 and Li Lisan 刘少奇, began organizing trade unions and founding the Chinese Revolution.
The Communist Party of China supervises the organs of government throughout China according to unified organizational rules and a centralized system of government. When this party was established in 1921, China was dominated by cases of political dependency and rampant extreme poverty. The Republic of China was established in 1912, but it was a weak and crushed country with no influence on the international community, and many groups at that time sought secession and independence. On May 4, 1919, the first public protest against the government was attended by more than three thousand students from 13 colleges in Beijing, denouncing the decision of the Versailles Peace Conference, which transferred concessions in Shandong Province from Germany to Japan. Under the banner of the Communist Party, the Chinese people have waged a long struggle to achieve national sovereignty and enhance China’s international standing at all levels. National dignity is not bestowed but gained. Indeed, the Chinese Communist Party has made great sacrifices in order to achieve national dignity and elevate China to the highest ranks.
Currently, all the streets of China are decorated with red banners that read “100”, the 100th anniversary of the founding, with the sickle and hammer emblem representing the Communist Party, and posters of Lei Feng 雷锋, who became a Chinese national hero and symbol no less important than the founding cadres of the Communist Party. Also, giant pictures of Chinese People’s Liberation Army soldiers shouting to go to fight. All these pictures and advertisements raise the national spirit and patriotism of the Chinese people and increase their attachment to the Communist Party, which has become an inseparable part of history, present and future. China has the second largest budget allocated to the military after the United States, which indicates the Chinese leadership’s awareness of the great risks that China can be exposed to in parallel with economic and technological progress. A strong military is an essential part of preserving national sovereignty.
High time for India to Reconsider the One-China Policy
Sino-Indian bilateral relations have seen major challenges in the recent years, beginning with the Doklam crisis to the current pandemic situation. The sugar-coated rhetoric of Beijing proved to be mere duplicity after tensions erupted along the Line of Actual Control where soldiers of both the states clashed in mid-2020, resulting in the martyrdom of several Indian jawans including a commanding officer. The other side also saw several casualties, though Beijing has kept the actual count under wraps. More recently, China suspended the state-run Sichuan Airlines cargo planes carrying medical supplies to India for 15 days citing the deteriorating situation in India due to COVID-19. This was after the Chinese government promised all the necessary help for India to battle the pandemic.
The People’s Republic of China under the leadership of Xi Jinping has been maintaining an aggressive posture with India even while making calls for ‘maintaining peace’. Its support for all-weather friend Pakistan has attained new peaks when it proclaimed the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor under the Belt and Road Initiative passing through Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, a territory claimed by India, despite New Delhi’s staunch opposition. It is in the light of all these events that the calls of the strategic community in India to review the recognition of One China policy has gained some attention.
India’s Sensitivity versus China’s Duplicity
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under the Communist Party of China (CPC) claims itself as the only representative of the Chinese nation including the territories of Tibet and Taiwan among others. Any country having formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan, also known as Republic of China shall be seen by China as challenging its sovereignty. The same parameter applies to any country recognizing Tibet or similar ‘autonomous regions’ under the Chinese control. This is known as the ‘One China Principle’ or ‘One China Policy’. India was one of the first countries to recognize the PRC in 1949 after the civil war as well as to accord recognition to its occupation of Tibet. However, China claims the whole of India’s Arunachal Pradesh as ‘South Tibet’, a claim that India has always rebuffed. Moreover, it occupies Aksai Chin which it captured during the 1962 war as well as the Shaksgam valley, ceded illegally to it by Pakistan in 1963.
Even after the war and the re-establishment of cordial bilateral relations, China has continued to repeat its illegitimate claims and nibble into India’s territory. India’s protests fell on deaf ears and this is despite India recognizing the One China Policy. India stopped mentioning the policy since 2010 in its public announcements and publications, however, without repealing it. Taking undue advantage of this China pays little concern to Indian sentiments. This view in India, to challenge China’s One China Policy, has been strengthened by aggressive diplomatic postures of China as well as its regular incursions along the disputed border while continuing to support Islamabad on all fronts – overtly and covertly, encircling India.
The government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi refused to give in to the bullying attempts by China by allowing the Army to go ahead with offensive countermeasures against Chinese incursions in 2017 as well as in 2020, in addition to taking measures including banning dozens of Chinese mobile applications. It has also started actively taking part in initiatives like Quadrilateral Dialogue as well as strengthening relations with ASEAN states. However, a dominant section within the strategic community in India feel that these measures are not enough to knock China into its senses.
Challenging the One China Policy
The most significant among the measures suggested in this regard has been to review India’s adherence to the One China policy. In an atmosphere where China does not recognize the One India policy comprising of Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh as Indian territories, experts argue the need of reciprocity. Initiatives such as providing greater global visibility and access for Tibetans including the 14th Dalai Lama, using Buddhist history and traditions as a trump card since New Delhi has the advantage of having the Dalai Lama on its side, provides legitimacy for India unlike China. India can facilitate the appointment of the next Dalai Lama and extend protection for the existing and the next Dalai Lama. The repeal of the recognition for Chinese occupation of Tibet can also send major tremors in Beijing but that seems to be a distant dream. The new democratic Tibetan government under President Penpa Tsering should be given greater official acknowledgment and publicity. India has already taken small steps in this regard by acknowledging the involvement of the elite Special Frontier Force (SFF), majorly comprising of exiled Tibetans, in a game changing operation to shift the balance against China during the recent border crisis. The funeral of an SFF commando attended by a Member of Parliament and leader from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Ram Madhav was an overt signaling to China that Indians are not refraining from openly recognizing Tibetan contributions to the state of India. Another sensitive issue for China is the Xinjiang’s Uyghur Muslims being allegedly tortured and deprived of their basic human rights in the ‘re-education camps’ by the CPC and a state sponsored genocide being carried out against them. India can take up the issue vigorously at international forums with like-minded countries, increasing the pressure on China. Similarly, the pro-democracy voices in Hong Kong, pro-Mongol movements such as the protest against Mandarin imposition in the school curriculum of Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, can also be encouraged or given moral support. India, a country which upholds its virtue of unity in diversity must take a strong stand against the ‘cultural assimilation’ or ‘liberation’ as the Chinese say. This is nothing but cultural destruction imposed by China using the rhetoric of ‘not being civilised’ and branding the non-Han population as barbaric in China and the regions it illegally occupies.
India can also stir the hornet’s nest by engaging more formally with the Taiwanese leadership. Taipei has always been approached by New Delhi keeping in mind the sensitivities of China in mind. However, it does not have to do so for a power that bullies both the nations with constant threats and provocations by its action. It is a well-known fact that Taiwan is a center of excellence in terms of the semi-conductor industry and high-end technology. Engaging more with Taiwan will not only hurt Beijing, but also will help India counter the strategic advantage possessed by China in terms of being the major exporters of electronic goods and telecommunication hardware to India. India can also attain more self-sufficiency by boosting its own electronics industry using the Taiwanese semiconductor bases. India can use this leverage to shed its overdependence on China in critical sectors, balance the trade deficit to some extent, while also securing its networks from Chinese intelligence. India must also focus on working with the states having stake in the South China Sea such as Philippines and Malaysia who regularly face aggression in their airspace and Exclusive Economic Zones from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) forces and China’s maritime militia, questioning their territorial sovereignty, imposing the One China Policy. New Delhi must pressurize China by working with the western nations, whose legislators have openly declared support for the Tibetan President in exile, to question China’s occupation of Tibet and attempts at homogenizing the population. Long term measures and strategies will have to be sought to end the dependence on China while seeking alternatives and becoming self-reliant over time.
However, India will face several serious challenges to implement the above-mentioned measures. There is a deep lack of mutual trust among major powers like USA, UK, France and Russia through whom India can build a coalition. The American President Joe Biden is seemingly interested in partly co-operating with China and has a softer stance unlike the former President Trump. Nevertheless, the QUAD is a welcome step in this regard and India must undertake a greater role in pressurizing China through such forums, albeit not openly. India also has a serious issue of possibly having to incur heavy economic losses on having to limit Chinese goods and investments and finding similarly cheap and easy alternatives. These fault lines are exactly what is being exploited by China to its advantage. Thus, the Indian state and its diplomacy has the heavy task of working between all these hurdles and taking China to task. However, since China seems remotely interested in settling the border disputes like it did with its post-Soviet neighbours in the previous decades and instead gauge pressure against India. So, New Delhi will have to pull up its sleeves to pay back China in the same coin.
The views expressed are solely of the author.
Who would bell the China cat?
If the G-7 and NATO china-bashing statements are any guide, the world is in for another long interregnum of the Cold War (since demise of the Soviet Union). The G-7 leaders called upon China to “respect human rights in its Xinjiang region” and “allow Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy” and “refrain from any unilateral action that could destabilize the East and South China Seas”, besides maintaining “peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits”.
China’s tit-for-tat response
The Chinese mission to the European Union called upon the NATO not to exaggerate the “China threat theory”
Amid the pandemic, still raging, the world is weary of resuscitating Cold War era entente. Even the G-7 members, Canada and the UK appear to be lukewarm in supporting the US wish to plunge the world into another Cold War. Even the American mothers themselves are in no mood to welcome more coffins in future wars. Importance of the G-7 has been whittled down by G-20.
Presumptions about the China’s cataclysmic rise are unfounded. Still, China is nowhere the US gross National Product. China’s military budget is still the second largest after the US. It is still less than a third of Washington’s budget to be increased by 6.8 per cent in 2021.
India claims to be a natural ally of the G-7 in terms of democratic “values”. But the US based Freedom House has rated India “partly free because of its dismal record in persecution of minorities. Weakened by electoral setbacks in West Bengal, the Modi government has given a free hand to religious extremists. For instance, two bigots, Suraj Pal Amu and Narsinghanand Saraswati have been making blasphemous statements against Islam at press conferences and public gatherings.
India’s main problem
Modi government’s mismanagement resulted in shortage of vaccine and retroviral drugs. The healthcare system collapsed under the mounting burden of fatalities.
Media and research institutions are skeptical of the accuracy of the death toll reported by Indian government.
The New York Times dated June 13, 2021 reported (Tracking Corona virus in India: Latest Map and case Count) “The official COVID-19 figures in India grossly under-estimate the true scale of the pandemic in the country”. The Frontline dated June 4, 2021 reported “What is clear in all these desperate attempts is the reality that the official numbers have utterly lost their credibility in the face of the biggest human disaster in independent India (V. Sridhar, India’s gigantic death toll due to COVID-19 is thrice the official numbers”, The frontline, June 4, 2021). It adds “More than 6.5 lakh Indians, not the 2.25 lakh reported officially are estimated to have died so far and at best a million more are expected to die by September 2021. The Seattle-based Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation estimates that actual Indian casualties may be 0.654 million (6.54 lakh), not the official count of 0.221 million (2.21 lakh as on May 6 when the report was released. That is a whopping three times the official numbers, an indicator of the extent of under-reporting”.
Epidemiologist Dr. Feigl-ding told India Today TV on April, 16, 2021 that “actual number of COVID-19 cases in India can be five or six times higher than the tally right now” (“Actual COVID-19 cases in India may be 5 to 10 times higher, says epidemiologist. India Today TV April 16, 2021).
India’s animosity against China is actuated by expediency. There is no chance of a full-blown war between China and India as the two countries have agreed not to use firepower in border skirmishes, if any. Modi himself told the All-party conference that not an inch of Indian territory has been ceded to China. In May this year, the Army Chief General M M. Naravane noted in an interview: “There has been no transgression of any kind and the process of talks is continuing.”
It is not China but the Quad that is disturbing unrest in China’s waters.
History tells the USA can sacrifice interests of its allies at the altar of self interest. India sank billions of dollars in developing the Chabahar Port. But, India had to abandon it as the US has imposed sanctions on Iran.
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