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It’s who you know, not what you know

MD Staff

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Rattana LaoRattana Lao is a recipient of the Ananda Mahidol Scholarship. She has a doctorate in Comparative and International Education (Political Science) from Columbia University’s Teachers College and is currently a lecturer at Thammasat University’s Faculty of Learning Sciences and Education. Her 230-page book, A Critical Study of Thailand’s Higher Education Reforms: The Culture of Borrowing, published by Routledge, will be launched at Thammasat on Aug 18.

The 31-year-old spoke to Spectrum about Thailand’s “selective borrowing”, the value of controversial quality assessments in higher education and the patronage system.

I understand that your book is mainly based on your postgraduate thesis. Can you explain more?

My thesis was interested broadly in external forces such as globalisation, how these forces influence policymaking, and the state response. With that broad theoretical question, I looked at Thai education as a case study. I received the Tokyo Foundation scholarship to investigate this large theme. When I came back to Thailand to interview higher education policymakers, it became clear that quality assessments (QA) had become a contested issue. Everyone was talking about QA, so I became interested in what it was, and whether it has an effect on education quality.

I went to 12 universities in four regions to interview deans, rectors, academics and staff; all the policymakers. “Why not use it? It’s an international standard, everyone has it,” they would say. At first I thought their answers were very simple, but then I began to research the history of Thailand’s educational development.

What issues do you explore in the book, and how does it expand from your original thesis?

At Hong Kong University, I saw a call for a book proposal on critical studies of Asian education. It got me thinking I could maybe adopt my dissertation, so I took academic leave last year to write the book. The dissertation became 30% of the book. I also looked at different policies in higher education. I researched internationalisation and why our ranking is still so low. If we are copying everyone else, why are we still falling behind?

How is Thailand’s education sector influenced by the West?

Since the time of King Chulalongkorn, we’ve wanted to be like the West; to be like Oxford and Cambridge. Lots of our princes went to France and England 100 years ago and came back with the idea that higher learning should emulate the Western style. But it became clear we don’t just copy 100%; we selectively choose what we want. I call it selective borrowing.

For example, Thai education used to be in temples. When Western education came, Vajiravudh College sought to emulate English boarding schools, but the architecture was still Thai. Whether it’s worse or not is a different issue, the point is that it’s a half-hearted adoption.

We are so influenced by the West, but the Thai culture of patronage is so prevalent that the Western influence doesn’t matter at the end of the day. We want to have a better global ranking, but in the higher education sector you begin to see that Thai characteristics are still there in the networks that exist. Thainess is still very prevalent and that Thainess is a seniority culture, a patronage system, connections and cliques.

05844There is a perception among the Thai public that Ananda Mahidol recipients have the endorsement of the Thai elite. Is this true in your case?

I know that connections work in Thailand. During my interviews for the book, senior rectors and university policymakers would often say, “If you want a position at my university, contact me when you graduate.” I did not contact them because I believe the patronage system is killing Thailand and don’t want to be a hypocrite.

I applied to three Thai universities where I knew no one. The first sent me an email and said they would contact me if my qualifications were good enough. The second had put out an open call for a job. When I applied they said they were no longer looking for an applicant because they had someone else in mind. In the case of the third, everyone told me I would have to go and see two people if I wanted to work in this particular faculty. I applied without going to see anyone. What is the point of going to see these people if you have all the qualifications? Despite every reform that Thailand has tried to implement, the patronage system is embedded in every level of higher education to the point that modernity is a joke.

What does that mean?

The current situation is like a feudal system in the name of higher education. Maybe I’m really not good enough, but everyone told me that if I wanted to get a job, I’d have to speak to someone. Then what’s the point of having a degree? This kind of system discourages hard work, productivity and honesty. Once you get accepted, you become a luk nong, or junior, to that person, and you’re indebted for life. It’s disgusting.

My rejections show that even if you get a good scholarship, it doesn’t matter. What matters is who you know.

How does politics play a role in Thailand’s education system?

Politics is not just about national politics, elections and political parties, but it’s about power, and power exists everywhere in everyday life. In higher education, the powerful use their positions and authority against the powerless. And the powerless in this case are academics. Those who adapt to the system get ahead. Those who are in the lab and write academic papers might not necessarily be the ones rewarded.

The politics of higher education is about how rectors, deans and administrators use their positions to advance their agenda at the expense of academic freedom.

Progressive academics who question the status quo are less likely to get funded. For example, if you’re interested in democracy and the role of the state, funding agencies already know you’re going to criticise them. It’s not healthy for the production of knowledge and academic excellence.

It sounds like you have lost hope in Thailand’s educational system. Do we still have a chance to recover?

There is still some hope, but that hope is very dim. My six months of experience at Thammasat University has been self-evident in showing that the patronage system is ingrained at every level. But how can we expect education to change when education in itself is about connections, not meritocracy? Then what’s the incentive to learn?

I am not feeling hopeless but I am very discouraged. Six months in, the system has sapped a lot of my positive energy. We talk about international standards and rankings, but everyday work is full of nonsense. It’s all about who endorses your faculty, who is in your network, who you are bound to. That discourages the acquisition of knowledge and stifles the debate of ideas.

There has been a public movement against quality assessments in Thailand. Are they that bad?

There are some good parts to QAs. But the system that we have is too complicated. It requires you to do so much for so little. Quality assessments are not there for quality education.

Then what are they for?

They are there for bureaucracy. It’s all for having paperwork for paperwork’s sake. For example, how many papers you publish per year is quantity, not quality. Assessments are supposed to be a tool to assess whether you have quality or not. But Thai people do QA for QA’s sake. They think that if they do QA they have quality, which is not true. We’ve ended up paying so much attention to QA.

Should the Office for National Education Standards and Quality Assessment — the core agency responsible for external quality assessments — be abolished?

No. But I believe we should abolish the law that enforces QA. The situation is that all universities have to have internal and external quality assessments under the Education Act. QA is too hard for new universities and too easy for universities such as Chulalongkorn. The majority of universities in Thailand struggle to meet the minimum requirements of QA. We should abolish the law, but Onesqa can still function and do QA for whoever wants it. Onesqa isn’t the problem. The problem is with the system.

What projects are you currently working on?

In 2011, I set up a group called “Unite Thailand”. It was based on the idea that colour in Thailand has been politicised. You can only wear red or yellow. I’m frustrated by the symbolism. You might be wearing the colour green today, for example, but that doesn’t mean you necessarily like the military. To assume that would be an over-simplification. Thai children use colours to have fun. Thai adults use colour to kill the nation.

Unite Thailand has held 14 camps for more than 2,000 students since 2011. In the beginning we wanted students to be free from political colours. Now we don’t really care about it and just want them to have fun.

(*) Amp Rattana Lao is a member of Advisory Board of Modern Diplomacy.

 

First published by Bangkok Post

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Southeast Asia

South-East Asia youth survey: Skills prized over salary

MD Staff

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Young people in South-East Asia face a relentless challenge to upgrade their skills as technology disrupts job markets, according to research released today by the World Economic Forum and Sea.

In a survey of 56,000 ASEAN citizens aged between 15 and 35, some 9% of respondents say their current skills are already outdated, while 52% believe they must “update their skills constantly.” Only 18% believe their current skills will stay relevant for most of their lives.

These concerns about skills are reflected in attitudes to jobs. ASEAN youths say the number one reason they change jobs is to learn new skills – the desire to earn a higher income comes second. 5.7% report having lost a job either because their skills were no longer relevant, or because technology had displaced them. Other reasons include the desire to create a more positive social impact and to have a more innovative working environment.

The survey also shows 81% of ASEAN youths believe internships are either equally important or more important than school education. In addition, over half are keen to spend time working overseas in the next three years, probably to gain new skills, with a significant portion wanting to work in another ASEAN country.

“It is impossible to predict how technology will change the future of work.” said Justin Wood, Head of Asia Pacific and Member of the Executive Committee at the World Economic Forum. “The only certainty is that job markets face accelerating disruption, where the lifespan of many skills is shortening. It is encouraging that ASEAN youths are aware of these challenges and show a deep commitment to lifelong, ongoing learning.”

Soft versus STEM skills

Overall, ASEAN youth attach greater importance to soft skills, and less importance to STEM skills – science, technology, engineering and maths. They see “creativity and innovation” as the most important skill – in which they also rank themselves highly – followed by the ability to speak multiple languages. They are confident about their soft skills, such as emotional intelligence, and list the two least important skills as “maths and science” and “data analytics”. They are particularly positive about their ability to use technology such as social media platforms, e-commerce sites, and e-payment systems.

Santitarn Sathirathai, Group Chief Economist of Sea, noted: “While it is essential that the region continues to invest in developing STEM skills among young people, we can also see that soft skills will have a vital role to play – even in the tech sector. In the world where knowledge becomes obsolete more quickly, soft skills such as adaptability, leadership and creativity will be crucial in ensuring young people have the resilience to constantly evolve their skill-sets in step with a changing market.”

The importance of re-skilling

Responding to the need to train workers in the face of technological change, the ongoing ASEAN Digital Skills Vision 2020 programme, launched by the Forum in Bangkok in November 2018 is assembling a coalition of organizations to train 20 million workers at ASEAN SMEs by 2020, and to provide internship and scholarship opportunities.

“The World Economic Forum’s ASEAN Digital Skills programme is delivering significant impact. In its first eight months, the initiative has already secured commitments to train over 8.9 million workers at SMEs, and to provide over 30,000 internships,” said Mr Wood.

Some 16 organizations have so far joined the programme: BigPay; Certiport, a Pearson VUE Business; Cisco; FPT Corporation; General Assembly; Golden Gate Ventures; Google; Grab; Lazada; Microsoft; Netflix; Plan International; Sea; thyssenkrupp; Tokopedia; and VNG Corporation.

“Government policy and business practices need to catch up to what is happening on the ground. Advances in technology will continue to impact labour markets into the future, and this requires ongoing education and skills training,” said Saadia Zahidi, Managing Director and Head of the Centre for the New Economy and Society at the Forum. “Anything less than a systematic shift in our approach to education and skills risks leaving people behind.”

Future jobs

When asked what type of organization they work for today, and where they would like to work in the future, ASEAN youths show a strong preference for entrepreneurial settings. Today, 31% are either entrepreneurs or work for a start-up. In the future, 33% want to work in an entrepreneurial setting. 19% of young people also aspire to work for foreign multinationals in the future (the current figure is 9%).

Traditional SMEs (as opposed to start-ups) are seen less favourably. While SMEs form the backbone of ASEAN labour markets, the survey reveals that small companies face recruitment challenges. 18% of youths work for SMEs today, but only 8% want to work for an SME in the future. One reason for the low interest is because young people say they receive less training at small companies compared to larger ones.

When asked what industry sectors are most attractive, the results reveal a clear preference for the technology sector, with 7% working in the industry today and 16% aspiring to work there in the future. In comparison, more traditional parts of the economy may face recruitment challenges. For example, 15% of youths work in manufacturing today, but only 12% want to work there in the future. Likewise, 8% work as teachers, yet only 5% want to work in education in the future.

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Southeast Asia

Being Wealthy Helps Singapore’s Naval Ambition

Bahauddin Foizee

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There’s an image that has been imprinted in the minds of the millions about Singapore, that it is a tiny yet wealthy city-state and an important Asian financial hub. But many are unaware of the fact that Singaporean armed forces are stronger than many regional forces, as it has one of the best navies, airforces and armies in the region.

Singapore’s navy, officially known as the Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN), in particular has been shaped over the years into a maritime force which is highly sophisticated and well-trained. An article on The National Interest ranked the RSN among the top five Asian navies, even when Indian Navy did not find a place in the list.

According to the aforesaid article, the RSN is a better navy than the Indian Navy in terms of quality, operation and policy-making, though the RSN lacks the experience, manpower and size of the Indian Navy. Arthur Waldron, an International Relations academic at the University of Pennsylvania, believes that if Chinese Navy, necessarily dividing the fleet, sends a taskforce to subdue the RSN at the Philip Channel, the narrowest part of the Strait of Malacca, the RSN would beat the Chinese taskforce.

Ambitious Procurement Plans

Singapore intends to build a navy that could protect its territories and economic interest from the potential hostility by any immediate larger neighbours, and more importantly a navy that could become lethal if combined with other regional and extra-regional navies (like Australia and Indonesia) against a greater navy (e.g. against Chinese navy). That is why, the RSN is currently on a spree to acquire more capabilities and next-generation platforms.

As part of its submarine force renewal program, the RSN is acquiring four Type 218SG submarines from Germany to improve the operational and combat capabilities of its submarine fleet. These new submarines will be having far more capabilities and durability — and are built to stay submerged about 50% longer — than those of the existing ones.

It’s worth mentioning here that submarines, unlike surface warships that have both peactime and wartime functions, is built to shoot and destroy targets as well as to conduct surveillance, even surveilling foreign coasts to gather vital intelligence. The very fact that a small city-state like Singapore has submarines in operation and is now renewing its fleet with even more capable submarines — shows how ambitious Singaporean navy has become about increasing its naval power.

Because of the larger capacity, these submarines have plenty of scopes for future upgrades, meaning that these submarines could be equipped with weapon systems such as long-range missiles to carry-out an offensive strike.

There’s more to the Singapore’s naval ambitions. Take for example the Joint Multi-Mission Ships (JMMSs), one of the RSN’s major new procurements. With full-length flight deck, these vessels would be almost 540 feet long with an estimated displacement of around 14,500 tons, and are expected to carry five medium and two heavy helicopters on a flight deck. What’s more, these vessels could potentially support limited operations of fixed-wing aircraft, including the F-35B warplanes which Singapore airforce is expected to purchase from the U.S. sometime in near future. Therefore, these vessels could potentially serve as aircraft carriers.

The RSN is also very well aware of the fact that wars these days are fought from a distant with the help of unmanned drones and unmanned vessels that carry cameras and weapons in order to see farther and respond quicker. Hence, the RSN plans to procure new vessels that will be having multiple unmanned air and surface vehicles to extend their reach and flexibility against threats. Take the eight new Littoral Mission Vessels (LMVs) for example. These LMVs will have a helicopter landing pad that will be able to carry an unmanned aerial vehicle. The aforesaid JMMSs and the new Multi-Role Combat Vessels (MRCVs) too will have unmanned air and surface vehicles.

Being Wealthy Helps

An Asian financial hub, the city-state of Singapore has a lot of wealth. The tiny landmass of the state and the already developed infrastructures allow the Singaporean government to allocate comparatively lesser wealth on infrastructures and other conventional sectors and to invest more on innovation and technology as well as defense and security. This is how the tiny state affords to make the quality defense procurements.

Singapore has been the Southeast-Asia’s largest military spender for several years now. Singapore was the top regional military spender in 2018 with an expenditure of US$10.8 billion and the Southeast Asian neighbour with the closest figures was Indonesia with an expenditure of US$7.4 billion. For 2019, Singapore has allocated US$11.4 billion for defense on its budget — something which amounts to about 19 percent of total government expenditures and around 3.3 percent of national GDP.

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Southeast Asia

Sino-Indonesian Relations: From Friendship to Alliance

Mohamad Zreik

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The relationship between China and Indonesia is becoming increasingly important in international politics. Many analysts are focusing on this relationship as a privileged relationship and it is likely to become a strategic alliance, especially with the Belt and Road Initiative, and the Indonesian role as a key member of the maritime route of the initiative. While others consider that Indonesia allows China to dominate it politically and economically because of exchanges at all levels, which is developing rapidly.

Indonesia is raising the level of relations with China because this policy is in favor of the local economy and stability in Indonesia, while China is dealing with Indonesia with respect and without interference in the internal Indonesian national affairs. In a meeting with his Indonesian counterpart, Ratno Marsudi, on the sidelines of the G-20 foreign ministers’ meeting in Germany, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said China would work to strengthen bilateral relations with Indonesia and that Indonesia was an important country on the historic maritime silk route. The Indonesian foreign minister said her country is ready to strengthen cooperation with China, more openness to more projects and investment in all fields and Indonesia will work to improve China’s relationship with the ASEAN Group.

The Chinese presence in Indonesia has a long history. Trade relations were the basis of China’s openness to most of the countries of the world and from those countries Indonesia. With the accession of Mr. Abdurrahman Wahid to the presidency of the Republic, the margin of freedoms has greatly expanded to the Chinese community in Indonesia, so they can celebrate the Chinese holidays and they were allowed to work in the local Indonesian markets.The title “Father of Chinese Indonesians” was given to him, because he granted them full rights in Indonesian territory. In 2003, President Megawati Sukarno decided to consider the Chinese New Year as a national holiday in Indonesia. In 2004, the first Chinese minister in the Indonesian government, Mari Pangestu, was appointed.

It is the common interest of China and Indonesia to promote such relations, regardless of differences such as demarcation of the maritime border between the two countries and trade imbalances for China. China is interested in Indonesia for several reasons: having a strong ally in the region, Indonesia’s strategic geographic location beinga natural deterrent and a major contributor to the Silk Road launched by China, natural resources in Indonesia, which are an important factor in China’s industrial and technological progress, and the largest Indonesian market on which China depends on the disposal of its products.

The Chinese president’s announcement of the Belt and Road initiative from Indonesia is a great indication of the depth of the strategic relationship between the two countries and the importance of Indonesia as a key partner of China politically and economically. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the relationship between China and Indonesia is a strategy because the two countries have important characteristics and the prospects for development are wide. In addition to politics, diplomacy and security, cooperation between China and Indonesia is expanding at sea, land and air levels. For example, it is expected that the two sides will agree on cooperation in space aviation, the construction of an industrial complex on the ground and the completion of further maritime cooperation.

China is working to consolidate military ties with Indonesia, especially after a dispute between the two countries in the South China Sea region. The good relations between China and Indonesia are of concern to the United States and the West because the Indonesian region is a strategic sea corridor and a geographical area rich in natural resources. Currently, China and Indonesia are working on law enforcement, combating terrorism, controlling drug trafficking, cyber security, defense and joint cooperation in maintaining regional security. The global maritime hub initiated by Indonesia and China’s Maritime Road is being harmonized.

All the political and economic indicators indicate that the relationship between China and Indonesia is developing rapidly and could turn into an alliance, so that Indonesia will be an important partner of China in an internationally sensitive geographical area, all international forces aspire to be there.

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