Anaya Shahid

Anaya Shahid graduated from Defense & Diplomatic Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University Rawalpindi

I
slamabad’s decision to test nuclear weapons, was in order to achieve; the nuclear deterrence capability needed against the adversaries and confidence to be recognized as a major power in the international political system. Historically, the nuclear equation in South Asia was formed when the Canadian nuclear supplies were given for research and development to India, instead were diverted to make the weapons of mass destruction in 1974.

W
hen the U.S. granted Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) waiver to India in 2008, China withdrew its concerns under extraordinary pressure from the U.S. and agreed on the exception for India to get the membership. Recently, India’s membership was up for deliberation last year at the NSG’s plenary meeting and China had made its position clear.

F
ew months before the Operation Shakti, in which India tested nuclear weapons in May, 1998. The former Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee, during his election campaign, on 25 February declared that their government would, “take back that part of Kashmir that is under Pakistan's occupation". It was clear that long before India became a nuclear weapons state, it had the intentions to openly threat, deploy and use the nuclear weapons against neighboring countries to achieve the national interests.

D
uring the Indian Premier Narendra Modi’s last trip to Moscow, there was no progress made on the sale of missile defense system S-400 and Akula class nuclear submarines. Although two leaders were agreed on jointly producing Kamov-226 military helicopters and building nuclear power plants.

T
he growing relation between United States and India revolves around collective security interests and heeded in diplomatic circles, especially by the U.S. Congressmen and Foreign Affairs Committee members, chaired by Republican Ed Royce of California. The U.S. recognizes its relationship with India on special terms in which New Delhi has important role to play in Asia.

I
ndian PM Narendra Modi has embarked on a three-day visit to Japan, during which the two countries are expected to sign a long-negotiated civil nuclear agreement. Just ahead of his visit, civil society of Japan has published a petition titled: Women of Fukushima Invite Modi: Come and See the Destruction, Don't Buy Nukes from Japan. In a strongly-worded statement, women of Fukushima have invited PM Modi to see 2011 nuclear disaster.

Despite support from the US, India could not get Nuclear Suppliers Group membership during the two-day plenary at Seoul in June. New Delhi’s eagerness to gain a seat at the table that controls the global nuclear commerce fizzled and it has tried to place onus of sour grapes on Beijing’s so-called procedural hurdles. This is an untruth.

Undoubtedly, the Pak-U.S. relations are prolonged and significant however they revolve around four facets that are demonstrative, unpredictable, passionate — and deeply flawed. It is very fascinating to lookout with a mixture of inquisitiveness and apprehension, when the United States and Pakistan have trade-off mutual expressions of affection, followed by allegations of betrayal. Recent F-16s issue brought back bitter truth of US-Pakistan relentless relations and memories of betrayal past.

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