The Chinese remember something that has been mostly forgotten by other nations. Namely, that is only these last 150 years that the country has had the status of what we would call today a ‘developing’ or ‘emerging’ country. Therefore, from the point of view of both the government and its simplest citizens, the country is simply regaining its previous status of one of the world’s largest – if not the largest – economy and the world’s largest exporter.

Speaking as former Secretary General of the Council of Europe on de-escalation on the Korean Peninsula, on peace and security in Eastern Asia is a real challenge. For millenniums Europe itself was far away from forming unity and providing peace. On the contrary, the smallest of all continents has been the scene of many wars, some of them called the “100 years war” or the “30 years war”.

Why is (the Korean peninsula and East) Asia unable to capitalize (on) its successes

Speculations over the alleged bipolar world of tomorrow (the so-called G-2, China vs. the US), should not be an Asian dilemma. It is primarily a concern of the West that, after all, overheated China in the first place with its (outsourced business) investments. Hence, despite a distortive noise about the possible future G-2 world, the central security problem of Asia remains the same: an absence of any pan-continental multilateral setting on the world’s largest continent. The Korean peninsula like no other Asian theater pays a huge prize because of it.

Why is Europe able to manage its decline, while Asia is (still) unable to capitalize (on) its success?

Following the famous saying allegedly spelled by Kissinger: “Europe? Give me a name and a phone number!” (when – back in early 1970s – urged by President Nixon to inform Europeans on the particular US policy action), the author is trying to examine how close is Asia to have its own telephone number.

By Emre  Kovacs  and Murray Hunter

In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed that China and Central Asia collaborate to build a Silk Road Economic Belt, which would comprise all countries within the Eurasian region. According to Eurasian expert and China Daily columnist Liang Qiang, such a corridor would be the World’s longest economic belt, with the most potential for development, and a strategic base  of energy resources in the 21st century.

Facing the waning Pax Americana and the specter of a Pax Sinica, Japan will be at the crossroads of redefining its role in world politics, perhaps in the next decade. The status quo appears sufficiently stable, at least for a foreseeable future, under the barely sustained U.S. hegemony with which Japan is anchored through bilateral alliance.

The shifts in global power that began in the late 20th century have accelerated since the onset of the world economic crisis in 2008 and the subsequent EURO crisis. As the Dean of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University and friend of MD, Barry Desker reports from Singapore, few lessons are available for the Western decision-makers.

Balancing economic growth with demographic decline, calibrating brewing social expectations, tempting anti-politics of nationalism, all with the security dilemmas remains a fundamental issue for Beijing, but also for the most of Eurasia. Former Chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, distinguished Yale University professor and friend of MD, Stephen S. Roach gives his highly interesting account on the topic.

Even though sharing strong democratic values and strategic interests, Japan and its immediate neighbor, South Korea, have recently estranged themselves each other.

What is a "Superpower"? This term is often used to describe a country that has achieved the most influential status in the international affairs owing in its political, economic, military and other spheres.

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