I
f one surveys Putin’s official pronouncements of the last few years on Russia’s historical role in the 21st century, one may soon notice that the language of ideological fanaticism, so prevalent during the Soviet era, has slowly evolved in that of values, character, spiritual identity, tradition and historical heritage.

"Poland, as a government over local sovereigns, might not improperly be taken notice of. Nor could any proof more striking be given of the calamities flowing from such institutions. Equally unfit for self-government and self-defense, it has long been at the mercy of its powerful neighbors; who have lately had the mercy to disburden it of one third of its people and territories.” – James Madison, The Federalist No. 19 (1787)

M
r Madison was writing some fifteen years after the first partition of Poland, and eager for the nascent United States of America to avoid the same fate (only an opening episode as was later to be found out); an understandable anxiety, which echoes to this day in the minds of statesmen.

T
he lonely superpower (US) vs. the bear of the permafrost (Russia), with the world’s last cosmopolite (EU) in between. Is the ongoing calamity at the eastern flank of the EU a conflict, recalibration, imperialism in hurry, exaggerated anti-Russian xenophobia or last gasp of confrontational nostalgia?

U
nder the auspices of Russia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry, an exhibition dedicated to the 25th anniversary of establishing diplomatic relations between Russia and South Africa, which attracted government officials, academics, policy experts and cultural activists, was held in March in Moscow.

A
s most of the industrial world and major powers focus on the conflicts in the Middle East, the obstinate behavior of North Korea, and the deterioration in the relationship between Russia and the West, there exists a “frozen conflict” that has the possibility of affecting the Middle East, Europe, and every nation within the Caspian periphery.

T
here has appeared lately a veritable plethora of books examining the present US-Russia relationship in the light of the recent investigations into the Russia-Trump connections, the so called New Cold War.

W
hat this work provides is a foundation for all aspiring iconoclasts in the field of Russian Studies. For a full generation and beyond, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the study of Russia has slowly disintegrated into a cynical morass of doubt, suspicion, and presumptive academic constraint. This has not only vexed those on the Russian side looking to establish relations with the United States that is not path-dependent and a mimic of history; it has drained an entire generation of young minds in America out of the field and left it still leaning heavily on those who were raised and baptized in the fire of the original and authentic Cold War.

T
he attack on St. Petersburg’ subway system is certainly the worst terrorist attack that the Russian Federation has experienced - except for North Caucasus - since the one perpetrated by two suicide bombers in Volgograd in 2013, which caused 32 victims.The attack has not been officially claimed yet, as often happens with the current sword jihad.

O
n March 26th in Russia took place one of the biggest anti-corruption anti-government protest since the Boltnaya Square protests of 2012.     Protests took place in more than 80 cities across Russia and more than 70,000 protesters expressed their dissatisfaction toward the corruption in Russia.

As from January 14 until a few days ago, a Serbian train was stationing on the Kosovo border. The train is decorated with letters that read “Kosovo is Serbian” in various languages, as well as with a series of figures and insignia of the Orthodox religion and Serbian nationalism. Kosovo’s authorities have so far blocked the train march along the 213 km line from Belgrade to Mitroviça, a city with a Serb majority located within Muslim Kosovo.

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